We have written   articles  about Standard Chartered Bank ,Sri Lanka and it’s un ethical operation style few months back. We got massive response to the article ,even we got a well written guest post about the matter and posted in this blog (An email to Standard Chartered Bank Sri-Lanka ).

The number of  comments and emails we receive indicates that Standard Charterd Bank is a big time harassing organization in Sri Lanka which not revealed in any media yet. There is a need to do proper investigation on the inhuman debt collecting operation of Standard Chartered Bank.

We already written about this to the famous independence  media ” Sunday Leader ,Sri Lanka”

We hope more news we will hear soon.

Due to many reasons ,we dont update this blog very frequently nowadays ,and will start daily update soon.

But please advice your friends to read this article in order to avoid Standard Chartered Bank Sri Lanka and go for other banks.

Read our famous articles about Standard Chartered Bank:

1) An email to Standard Chartered Bank Sri-Lanka

2)Standard Chartered Bank Sri Lanka- A-Bank-Operated by-Thugs

Interesting information has been revealed in the Indian media about the “connection” between Foreign Affairs Minister Rohitha Bogollagama and India’s espionage and intelligence agency the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).

According to an article written by Saikat Datta in the prestigious Indian news magazine Outlook India the Minister’s daughter was admitted to an Indian higher educational institution to pursue medical studies through the efforts of RAW.

Though RAW got Ms. Bogollagama admission through its influence it was unable to ensure high grades in examinations for the ministerial off-spring and hence her dismal academic record threatened her continuance there.

Rented out house

Bogollagama had also rented out his house in Colombo to a RAW agent, Ravi Nair with whom the Minister quarrelled later due to disagreement over purchasing expensive furniture.

Bogollagama allegedly “fixed” the RAW official by framing him as having links with a Chinese spy. Ravi Nair was recalled to India and it was only later that a discovery was made about Bogollagama having orchestrated the entire episode.

In February this year, K.C. Verma, a 1971 batch police officer from the Jharkhand cadre, took over as chief of India’s external intelligence agency, Research & Analysis Wing (RAW), and with it inherited the problems that have plagued the organisation for years.

In the last year or so, RAW has seen some of the highest recall rates of its officers from foreign postings, causing much embarrassment. Now a few more Indian ambassadors/high commissioners have written to the government complaining about RAW officers posted at their embassies/high commissions and seeking their recall. Last year saw the return of P. Hanniman, a joint secretary-level officer from Brussels after allegations of financial bunglings and siphoning of secret funds surfaced.

Pending requests

This year there are pending requests from the Indian ambassador to Germany, Meera Shankar, requesting that a RAW officer, K. Jha, be recalled. A similar request has been received from the Indian ambassador to Afghanistan.

Last year saw the sudden return of two RAW officers from Sri Lanka and China. Ravi Nair returned home from Colombo under a cloud, while Uma Mishra, a director-level officer posted in Beijing, was recalled after allegations of an affair between her subordinate and a Chinese interpreter surfaced.

Mishra was accused of mishandling the entire affair as well as compromising security with a senior visiting IB officer accusing her of using his computer to surf the net.

For Verma, these are issues he’ll have to resolve quickly. His appointment comes after a three-year hiatus for him: he spent it outside the Indian intelligence community for health reasons. In between, he had bypass surgery and had taken over as Narcotics Control Bureau chief where he worked with P. Chidambaram, then the finance minister.

Siphoning off secret funds

The P. Hanniman case will now be top priority. Hanniman is currently posted in Delhi and the inquiry against him for siphoning off secret funds in Brussels has been completed. Strangely enough, Hanniman seems to have survived till now because the inquiry report was kept pending by Gurinder Singh, a special secretary with RAW who has been sent abroad now as special security advisor to the government of Mauritius.

Singh sat on the inquiry file for almost a year before sending it back without taking any decision, days before he left for Mauritius. RAW officers allege that Singh did it to protect a fellow IPS officer.

In Germany, differences between an IB and RAW officer have led to the latter facing the prospect of being sent home in the next few weeks. A similar fate awaits the RAW officer in Kabul with the Indian ambassador there reportedly unhappy with his performance.

Incidentally, this isn’t the first time that India’s RAW station in Germany has come under a cloud. Another IPS cadre officer was accused of forging the letterhead of the Pakistani ambassador to Germany a few years ago and passing fake letters/memos as intelligence gathered. When detected, he was immediately repatriated to his parent cadre state, Uttarakhand. He is currently facing a cbi inquiry in a corruption case.

What irks officers within RAW is the way these “requests” for withdrawal are treated by the Indian government. Last year, when Ravi Nair was pulled out of Colombo, there were allegations of him being associated with a “Chinese spy.” However, a subsequent inquiry revealed that the charges were blatantly false. Instead, it came to light that Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama had orchestrated the whole episode.

Dismal academic performance

Apparently, Nair was Bogollagama’s tenant in Colombo and had refused to pay for expensive furniture that the Minister had ordered for the house. This dispute became a full-blown crisis when Bogollagama’s daughter’s continuance in AIIMS, Delhi, was threatened due to her dismal academic performance. (RAW had organised her admission but couldn’t ensure the medical degree.)

As differences came out into the open, Nair was immediately recalled, only to be proved innocent of the charges later. A similar dispute between the RAW officer in Germany and his IB counterpart led to the present impasse. The Indian ambassador, unimpressed with the quality of reports the officer was generating, raised the issue with the MEA, leading to the officer’s imminent recall.

For Verma, these are tricky issues since a similar episode last year led to the resignation of RAW’s China expert, Jaidev Ranade. A career intelligence officer, he was literally hounded out by the earlier secretary, Ashok Chaturvedi, on grounds that Ranade had not sought permission for his wife’s employment with the World Bank. Embarrassed by Ranade’s resignation, the pmo stepped in and issued orders to promote him to the post of additional secretary even though his resignation had been accepted.

RAW has always been bogged down by experienced officers leaving, citing harassment and nepotism. Sandip Joshi, who had done extensive work to break up the Khalistan movement, quit two years ago, while Vijay Tewatia, a joint secretary, was forced to take voluntary retirement after his wife, a doctor, took up an assignment with the UN.

Simultaneously, RAW has failed to attract new talent. It has recruited only six officers in the last eight years and continues to depend on officers on deputation who leave soon after completing a lucrative foreign posting. This has led to a severe drought of expertise and has left the ras cadre, raised specially to man the agency in the 1970s, demoralised and languishing in ignominy.

(Some names have been changed to keep identities secret)

By The Shrew

Sri Lanka’s 12th Air Force Commander Air Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke, son of former Air Marshal Harry Goonetilleke who was the fifth Commander of the SLAF has proved he is not a cut above the rest in lowering standards of educational criteria for cadet officers joining the SLAF in order to accommodate his 21 year-old-son Rehan Goonetilleke.

The latter does not possess the necessary A/Level qualifications to sign up as a cadet pilot in the air force and so in January this year after the SLAF called for fresh cadet officers which specified A/Level’s as a must to enter,  a subsequent advertisement placed only a few weeks later specified that only O/Level qualifications are required to join the SLAF as a cadet pilot.

Rehan Goonetilleke is to be inducted into the SLAF and is due over a period of time to receive a thorough grounding in flying both here and abroad.

Prior to signing up with the air force, the young Goonetilleke secured his Private Pilot License (PPL) from Skyline Aviation (Pvt) Ltd. two months ago.  A license, his father despite being Commander of the SLAF never paid for.

Course for free

A phone call to the company confirmed that it does not offer any flying courses for free.  However The Sunday Leader has confirmation that Rehan Goonetilleke was granted a PPL which costs 7000 US dollars (approx. Rs. 700,000), but his course fee was never paid.

This sad story of history repeating itself within the same family for the wrong reasons  does not end there. A high level source at the SLAF related  how many moons ago, Roshan Goonetilleke’s late father Harry Goonetilleke during his tenure as SLAF Commander also changed the marking system in order to accommodate his son – Roshan.

Captain Chirananda Fernando who was at the time commanding officer of the flight training wing at China Bay was asked by Harry Goonetilleke to change the marking system in order to accommodate his son Roshan. The marking system at the time was a well established and formulated procedure laid down by the British as it took due consideration to theory and practicals, and did not need any amendments.

Captain Chira (as he is popularly known)  had refused but had said if the commander did so desire it he could effect such a change with a proper panel of officers or review board, from the next batch as Roshan Goonetilleke’s batch had already started their training and exams and the marking was based on the old system.

Determined however to ensure that Roshan would get nominated as best flying cadet Harry Goonetilleke formed a panel of “YES” officers and effected the change, and thereby ensured that Roshan was made the best flying cadet under the new system whereas it would have been Lalith Wijetunge (now a SriLankan Airlines captain) had it been on the established marking system in place.

Disgusted

All this and more, compelled a disgusted Captain Chira to file his papers to leave the SLAF.  Harry Goonetilleke sat on the request for many moons. Thereafter Captain Chira met Captain Herby Wanigatunge who was close to President J.R. Jayewardene and he had taken Chira to meet JR.

Following this meeting, the very next day the President’s Office had sent a letter to Air Marshal Harry Goonetilleke to approve the letter of request from Captain Chira and effect his release from the SLAF. Harry was also asked to submit an explanation as to why the request had not been “actioned” earlier but sat collecting dust.

Meanwhile more has followed at the SLAF by way of effecting change.  The Commander has now introduced a new recruitment and promotional criteria, which will effectively marginalise and discriminate hundreds of pilots who are currently part of the SLAF.

Under this new professional status, which will come into effect on June 30 this year, SLAF officers irrespective of the availability of vacancies, will not be provided an absolute guarantee for smooth passage from Wing Commander to Air Marshal.

All those aspiring to a successful career at the air force will  have to successfully navigate through the process spelt out in Air force Order – 753 to keep his/her career prospects alive.

The new order effectively differentiates career officers from non-career officers. In effect this means regular officers will be categorised into two categories namely, Command Professionals and Service Professionals.

Grading

Command Professionals will be those who opt to pursue a career in the air force until reaching the regulation retirement age or until, the expiry of the specified maximum period of service in particular substantive rank.

Service professionals will be those who have no desire to stay in the air force beyond the regular pensionable length of service (20 years for men – 15 for women) as described, while all officers of the Volunteer Air Force may be categorised as Service Professionals.

Those who have been graded “Non-Career Officers” may at the discretion of the commander of the air force seek categorization as a Command Professional.  Service Professionals unlike their counterparts recruited as Command Professionals shall not be considered for promotion to any rank beyond Substantive Wing Commander.  That too is subject to provisions.

No officer, who is above the rank of Temporary Wing Commander at the time of this order coming into effect and opts to become a Service Professional in accordance with the provision shall be considered for a further promotion.

Until now, officers of the regular air force until reaching the age of 55 would be promoted in the order of Squadron Leader, Wing Commander, Group Captain, Air Commodore and finally Air Vice Marshal.  One from among this group ultimately makes it to commander taking on the title of Air Marshal.

Service Professionals will be considered in the selection of officers to attend local and foreign career development courses of training and overseas visits offered by the air force only in the absence of suitable candidates from among the Command Professionals.

Cannot leave

In short, a Service Professional will not only have to forego a complete and sound training but also be prevented from leaving the service after 15 to 20 years depending on their gender unless granted permission to do so by the Commander.

Previously, senior officers of the ranks of Squadron Leader and Wing Commander were given advanced training and education at the Defence Services Command and Staff College (DSCSC) at Batalanda, Makola which was established in 1997 as the Army Command and Staff College.

Basic officer training is carried out at the Air Force Academy at the SLAF China Bay in Trincomalee. The academy offers a two-year programme of basic flight training and a variety of specialised courses. Pilot training is carried out at SLAF Anuradhapura by No. 1 Flying Training Wing using Cessna 150s for basic training and Nanchang CJ-6 (PT-6) aircraft for intermediate training.

Advanced jet training is carried out by the No. 14 Squadron in K-8 Karakorums based at SLAF Katunayake. Specialised training for different types of aircraft is carried out by the respective squadrons; this includes MiG-23UB, FT-7 and Kfir TC.2 used by the No. 5 Jet Squadron and No. 10 Fighter Squadron respectively, for this propose at SLAF Katunayake and for training for transports, Harbin Y-12s of the No. 8 Light Transport Squadron are used along with Bell 206s for helicopter training.

Training

Initial ground combat training for both officers and other ranks of both regular and volunteer forces are carried out separately at SLAF Diyatalawa in the garrison town of Diyatalawa. It also conducts advanced training for SLAF regiment officer cadets. Following training at SLAF Diyatalawa, general pilot branch officer cadets are sent to the Air Force Academy for flight training, and airmen and airwomen are sent to Advanced and Specialised Trade Training School for specialised training in different trades.

Air traffic controllers receive schooling at special facilities in Colombo as well as officer cadets from other branches. In addition, approximately 25 officers a year receive advanced training abroad, most commonly in Britain, India and, in recent years, at the United States Air Force Academy.

Wing Commander Ravi Jayasinghe, ADC to the Commander said Rehan Goonetilleke is still in the process of being interviewed.

Commenting on the new Professional Status for SLAF officers Jayasinghe said that due to “the bulk” of officers now in the air force this was one way of dealing with the excess personnel.  “It is only applicable for commissioned officers” he said, insisting new recruits would all have to undergo “intensive training” for two years before being commissioned.

Commander un contactable

Despite messages left with Air Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke’s ADC and four attempts to reach him on his mobile phone the Air Force Chief could not be contacted for comment before this article went to print

courtesy : Sunday Leader

By Bob Dietz
Asia Programme Coordinator
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

As the Sri Lankan government steps up its war with the LTTE, assaults on journalists are on the rise. So are suspicions that the government is complicit in these attacks.

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka’s journalists are under intensive assault. Authorities have failed to carry out effective and credible investigations into the killings of journalists who question the government’s conduct of  war against Tamil separatists or criticise the military establishment.

Three attacks in January targeting the mainstream media drew the world’s attention to the problem, but top journalists have been killed, attacked, threatened, and harassed since the government began to pursue an all-out military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in late 2006. Many local and foreign journalists and members of the diplomatic community believe the government is complicit in the attacks.

The lack of credible investigations into these crimes is in keeping with a long history of impunity for those who attack journalists in Sri Lanka. With a failure to investigate and a realistic suspicion that government actors are complicit in the violence against journalists, the time has come for the international community to act.

Three attacks

On January 6, on a quiet road on the outskirts of Colombo, the country’s main independently owned TV station, (Sirasa TV) was raided by 15 to 20 masked armed men working with military precision, at 2:05 a.m. At 2:35:31 they detonated an explosion, possibly a claymore mine, a military-style antipersonnel mine set off by an electrical charge through wires leading to the device.

The room’s two synchronised clocks both stopped at the time of the explosion. The attackers fired the weapon after stringing the detonating wire about 200 yards (183 metres) from the control room through the station’s corridors to the driveway outside the station’s main front door, according to Sirasa staff.

Staff shied away from describing the weapon specifically to CPJ after one of them had identified it as a claymore in an internationally broadcast interview with CNN on the morning of the attack. Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse denounced that staffer as a “terrorist” during a January 7, interview with the government-run Independent Television Network (ITN).

Other knowledgeable sources with military experience who visited the station told CPJ that the damage was consistent with that of a claymore. The explosion wiped out the recently upgraded main control room that kept the broadcaster’s three TV channels and four radio stations on the air. At 6 a.m. on the day of the full attack, Sirasa was broadcasting live shots of the wreckage to early morning viewers — staff had patched together some of the old analog broadcasting equipment.

Indicative of the government’s connection

Claymores are regularly used by both sides in the country’s civil war, the government and the LTTE, but the government has denied that the weapon was a claymore mine and strongly denied involvement in the attack; the reaction has been interpreted by critics as indicative of the government’s connection.

Defence Secretary Rajapakse’s denial came in the two and a half hour television interview with ITN on January 16. In a translation of the transcript supplied to CPJ by a human rights organisation that asked CPJ not to be identified, he accused the owners of Sirasa of carrying out the attack as part of an insurance fraud scheme. He also said the government is investigating the incident.

The second January attack came at around 10 a.m. on January 8, when the Editor-in-Chief of The Sunday Leader, Lasantha Wickrematunge, was killed in his car on his way to work on a busy street in a mixed suburban and semi-industrial suburb of Colombo.

According to his brother Lal Wickrematunge, Chairman of the paper’s parent company, Leader Publications, the Editor had been receiving anonymous death threats by phone for months. Lasantha Wickrematunge’s wife, Sonali Samarasinghe-Wickrematunge, told the CBC that they had been followed earlier in the morning by two men on a motorcycle as they ran errands, and that threats had been on the rise in recent days.

Threatening to kill

Phone calls and text messages came in threatening to kill him if he did not stop criticising the government. Sonali Samarasinghe-Wickrematunge eventually left Sri Lanka after her husband’s death. She has asked that her location not be revealed. The couple had married about two weeks before the attack.

Wickrematunge was killed by a hit squad of eight helmeted men on four motorcycles, according to local newspaper interviews with witnesses at the scene of the crime. He died in the hospital a few hours later. The attack took place about 200 yards (183 metres) from a checkpoint at the large Ratmalana Air Base, but a bend in the road would have kept the attack out of the sight of soldiers manning that post.

Nearby shop owners who became aware of the attack after it started told CPJ that the motorcycle-riding attackers rode off in the direction of the checkpoint, adding to the suspicion of some sort of official involvement.

The shop owners said they did not hear gunfire on the morning of the killing, and police told reporters they did not find shell casings. On the day of the murder, staffers at Wickrematunge’s paper told CPJ by phone that the men had used pistols with silencers, which CPJ reported.

We also reported that the car’s windows had been smashed, apparently with a heavy object. With no coroner’s report, there is no official explanation for the cause of death. But reliable sources are emerging who say the attackers may have used a different murder weapon.

Neither a bullet nor an exit wound

Wickrematunge’s brother Lal spoke to the doctor who treated him before he died in the Kalubowila Hospital. The same doctor also took part in the autopsy, Lal said, though he was not the judicial medical officer (JMO) — the Sri Lankan equivalent of a coroner. That doctor told him there was neither a bullet nor an exit wound in his brother’s skull. There was only an entry wound on his right temple, caused by a weapon that crushed its way through the skull and left two closely spaced punctures.

Sonali Samarasinghe-Wickrematunge described a similar wound to the CBC.

Lal said he saw the magistrate’s order describing the cause of death, and it said there had been a gunshot injury to the brain. He said he thinks the coroner’s report has not been released because of the discrepancy in the description of the cause of death. He also said a police forensic  expert found no chemical traces of a weapon being fired in the car, or shell casings at the scene.

Two diplomatic sources in Colombo told CPJ that Wickrematunge’s right temple had been crushed and that there was no bullet found inside the victim’s brain.

The coroner’s report was scheduled to be released on February 5. The local press later reported that the release date had been moved up to February 16, but it has yet to appear. Police told the media that they are waiting for the government to release the account, which, in their words, “would contain the scientific evidence” they need to proceed. CPJ has received the same formulaic response as it has continued to contact the police. “The belief here is the JMO’s report is being tampered with,” one journalist told CPJ by e-mail when asked for an update.

The next hearing in Wickrematunge’s case was scheduled for March 19, at  the Mount Lavinia Magistrate’s Court. The JMO’s report could be released then, along with the report of the government analyst who determines whether a crime has been committed and how to proceed with the case. Until then, all records are closed to the public.

Where he could have been killed

On January 29, CPJ traced Wickrematunge’s route from his home to his office at The Sunday Leader, and found that there are many quieter spots than the main road on a busy morning near a military installation where he could have been killed. The route to the paper passes many factories with high walls or fences on lightly travelled roads. There is little or no pedestrian traffic in much of the area.

CPJ went to the site of the attack around the same time of the day it had taken place three weeks earlier. The road was bustling with traffic. Shop owners pointed out the spot where the car was left standing after the four motorcycles had forced Wickrematunge’s car to the side of the road, straddling a marked street crossing.

When CPJ visited the workplaces of the two men who, according to media reports, had testified at the coroner’s inquest, their employers said they had stopped showing up, and they did not know what had happened to them. It is hard to tell whether they were telling the truth or protecting the witnesses’ identities for fear of retribution from the killers.

The third January attack came at around 6:40 a.m. on January 23, according to Upali Tennakoon, editor of the Sinhala-language, pro-government weekly Rivira and his wife, Dhammika. The couple were driving to his office when motorcyclists forced their car to stop and smashed its window. One attacker used a metal bar with a single sharp point to hit Tennakoon in the face and in his hands when he put them up to defend himself, he said. Both hands received puncture wounds.

Stabbed at him with a knife

Another attacker reached into the car and stabbed at him with a knife, but only nicked Tennakoon’s stomach. His wife fought back too, and threw her body over her husband to protect him, the couple said. The attackers fled. On January 27, while Tennakoon was still in Colombo’s General Hospital, the couple told CPJ they were mystified by the attack.

Tennakoon said he did not know the men — this time there were four on two motorcycles, all wearing helmets. Tennakoon’s wife said “they used one of two wooden poles they were carrying to break the window of the car and the pointed metal bar to attack her husband. The pointed bar, was somewhere between 2 to 3 feet  long. They aimed for his head and neck.”

Tennakoon and his wife said that  they were not aware of  further investigations beyond the police questioning them about the incident. To date, there have been no arrests or announcements made in Tennakoon’s case. The government has offered a Rs.1 million reward (US$8,800) for information leading to an arrest. Fearing for their safety, Tennakoon and his wife went into hiding after leaving the hospital. Soon after, they left Sri Lanka and are now living in a foreign country.

Government’s response

The government has strongly denounced the attacks. Chief government spokesman and Minister of Mass Media and Information Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Minister of Mass Media Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena told Colombo newspapers there was a “massive conspiracy” to discredit the government by destabilising the country with attacks on prominent figures and a “comprehensive inquiry” would be carried out to find the attackers in all three January cases.

The comprehensive inquiry has not happened and the police report little movement in the cases, a pattern that has been seen in past killings, assaults, and attacks on media facilities.

On January 27, President Mahinda Rajapakse met the editors of mainstream newspapers and promised a thorough investigation of all the attacks. He also said a breakthrough was coming in Wickrematunge’s case. Two days later, police announced the arrest of two drivers of three-wheeled motorised cabs.

According to newspaper reports, one of the drivers was found with Wickrematunge’s cell phone, the other was accused of selling it to him. The two drivers remain in detention.  A few days after that, the police told the media that they had found a motorcycle ditched in a canal that they suspect might be one that was used by Wickrematunge’s attackers. They have not released any more information.

No comment to make

When CPJ tried to contact the Inspector General of Police, Jayantha Wickramaratne, his office said they had no comment to make about any of the cases. The spokesman’s office for the Superintendent of Police said its statements were all a matter of public record and that it had nothing more to add. The Ministry of Defence told CPJ that its positions on the killings and attacks on journalists are part of the public record, and available on the Ministry’s web site.

With the help of the Sri Lankan Embassy in Washington, CPJ spoke by telephone from New York to Attorney General Mohan Peiris in Colombo on February 20 and with Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama on February 23. We asked Peiris about the delay in releasing the JMO’s report in Wickrematunge’s case and of any movement in the investigations of the Sirasa and Tennakoon attacks. Peiris said that investigations are ongoing in all the cases, and said that arrests have been made.

“Our position is that the government is very, very keen to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to book,” Peiris said. “There has certainly not been an ebb in our enthusiasm to do so.” He said the cases were proceeding slowly because the facts “have to be verified perfectly.”

Must proceed step by step

Foreign Minister Bogollagama responded in a similar manner. He discussed all three cases individually and in depth. Every aspect of the attack on Sirasa is under investigation, he said, and given that the attack was not a “novice operation,” and to avoid bringing “half-baked cases before court,” the government is proceeding very deliberately. “I’m confident very soon that we will have the evidence that is warranted in order to sustain a prosecution against the perpetrators of this crime,” he said.

“The Wickrematunge case is also being pursued,” Bogollagama said. “Investigators are taking their time because we don’t want fingers pointed at the government in terms of failing to conduct a fair investigation or to conduct a proper trial,” he said. “To get to that stage we must proceed step by step.”

In Tennakoon’s case, the last attack in January, Bogollagama saw the culmination of a string of events designed to discredit the government — a “sinister group” working to ensure that “the finger of accusation is pointed at the government in order to sustain accusations that there is no media freedom in Sri Lanka,” he said. “That is why we are taking the time to go after a proper investigation.”

Historical precedent undercuts denials

The government’s responses and the arrests in Wickrematunge’s case are dismissed by the non-state press as part of an arrogant, blatant cover-up. One senior editor sardonically told CPJ that there was no need for a government investigation into the Sirasa bombing, Wickrematunge’s killing, or the attack on Tennakoon. “Why should they investigate?” the editor asked. “They already know who did it.” The editor, a long-time newspaperman, asked that his name not be used for fear of retribution from the government.

In addition to journalists outside the pro-government media, diplomats also reject the government’s denial of involvement. On January 19, six former U.S. ambassadors to Sri Lanka wrote an open letter to President Rajapakse:

Mr. President, we speak frankly because in our dealings with you we have always found you to have an open mind and to respect the truth. Some have suggested that these events have been carried out not by the elements of the government, but by other forces hoping to embarrass the government. We do not find such arguments credible. We believe it is imperative that these actions stop, and that those who have carried them out be prosecuted.

CPJ counts 10 journalists killed by premeditated murders since 1999, with no prosecutions or convictions. The Rajapakse government and its predecessors must at least be held responsible for the impunity that surrounds attacks on journalists. Most of these killings came while Rajapakse served as prime minister from April 2004 and since he became president in November 2005.

Premeditated murder

According to CPJ’s records, since Rajapakse took high office in Sri Lanka, eight journalists have died of what CPJ considers to be premeditated murder. No one has been brought to trial in any of these cases, according to CPJ research.

Most of those killed were Tamils. And, according to Ananth Palakidnar, a former president of a journalists’ organisation called the Sri Lanka Tamil Media Alliance, about 20 to 25 other Tamil journalists have fled the country since the killing of Sivaram Dharmaretnam, who wrote a defence column under the pen name Taraki for The Sunday Times. In April 2005 he was abducted in Colombo, his body was found near the Parliament building the next day.

In his February 20 phone call with CPJ, Attorney General Peiris dismissed the idea of impunity for those who attack journalists: “I can tell you we have a policy of zero tolerance, zero tolerance,” he said. “There is no question of the government or the Attorney General’s office accommodating or making concessions for criminals or criminal activities. Some cases may have been delayed for lack of sufficient evidence,” he said.

January’s assaults are part of a broader pattern of attacks against critics of the government, Tamil, Sinhalese, or Muslim. In a string of online postings, the Defence Ministry’s web site has charged specific journalists with “treachery.”

Defence Secretary Rajapakse uses the government-run television and radio stations to denounce journalists by name, and dismisses allegations that the government is behind the attacks. In June 2008, with the government’s campaign of assaults, harassment, and arrests of journalists in full swing, a chilling statement appeared on the Ministry’s web site:

‘Whoever attempts to reduce the public support to the military by making false allegations and directing baseless criticism at armed forces personnel is supporting the terrorist organisation that continuously murders citizens of Sri Lanka. The Ministry will continue to expose these traitors and their sinister motives and does not consider such exposure as a threat to media freedom. Those who commit such treachery should identify themselves with the LTTE rather than showing themselves as crusaders of media freedom.’

Should not expect government protection

The Ministry’s web site accused specific media outlets of such behaviour, and all have since come under violent attack: Sirasa TV; The Sunday Leader, The Morning Leader, and Irudina (the Sinhala-language Sunday weekly of The Leader group).

After The Daily Mirror wrote a series of articles on the Tamil refugee situation, the Defence Secretary called the paper’s Editor, Champika Liyanarachchi, in April 2007 and told her that neither she nor the reporter who wrote the articles should expect government protection if they are attacked, which CPJ reported at the time.

The Sunday Times’ defence columnist, Iqbal Athas, has stopped writing and fled and returned to Sri Lanka several times after numerous threats and harassments, he told CPJ. The Sunday Times’ Tamil columnist J.S. Tissainayagam has been jailed on state security charges since March 2008 — he told the court in his pretrial appearances that other prisoners were beaten in front of him and that he had agreed to sign a false confession.

He was not beaten because he has detached retinas in both eyes and his captors feared they would blind him, according to his wife.

The web site Lanka Dissent voluntarily stopped publishing on January 10, citing fears of retribution. The owner and chief editor of Lanka e-News, Sandaruwan Senadheera, told CPJ in January in Colombo that he has been frequently called in for questioning by the Criminal Investigation Department since a series of articles about the activities of military and police intelligence was printed in February 2008.

Independent coverage stifled

Independent coverage from the front lines with the LTTE has been stifled for years. Yet far from the battlefields, critical reporting from the capital on the conduct of the war has been quashed, and Sri Lanka’s once-vocal opposition media is facing more repression than under any preceding government.

At least seven well-recognised journalists, many of them who worked for the media organisations targeted by the Defence Ministry, have stopped writing; one prominent figure, Tissainayagam, is in jail, and several others have left the country, including Tennakoon. Some have fled and returned, and stopped reporting. This list is not all-inclusive, but among those affected are:

* Namal Perera, a freelance defence analyst, was attacked by men wielding wooden poles as he travelled in a car with a senior British High Commission official in June 2008. They had been followed by two men on  a motorcycle before Perera’s attackers jumped out of a white van and smashed the windows of his car and assaulted him.

* Iqbal Athas, defence correspondent for The Sunday Times, said he stopped writing his weekly column as a result of threats. Athas also reports from Colombo for CNN and is a correspondent for Jane’s Defence Weekly. In mid-2008, a pro-government radio station broadcast for weeks, on an almost daily basis, vituperative statements denouncing him, he told CPJ, and the Defence Ministry’s web site published attacks on his character. On June 3, 2008, on both the state-run Rupavahini national television network and the state-owned Independent Television Network, Defence Secretary Rajapakse faulted Athas by name for his independent reporting.

* Keith Noyahr, associate editor of the English-language weekly The Nation, was abducted from his home, held overnight and severely beaten, CPJ reported in May 2008. The assault remains uninvestigated and unprosecuted. Noyahr eventually fled the country. The Nation is owned by Rivira Media Corporation, which also owns the paper for which Tennakoon worked.

* Parameswary Munasámi, a Tamil reporter for the Sinhala-language weekly Mawbima, was arrested in November 2006, and held for four months without charge or trial under the Prevention of Terrorism Act, CPJ reported at the time. She was the first reporter to write about white Toyota Hiace vans with tinted glass and no number plates that had been used to pick up Tamils. A similar van was used in the attack on Perera. In his January 16, ITN television interview this year, Defence Secretary Rajapakse mentioned her by name, again accusing her of being a “terrorist.” The enterprising young reporter no longer lives in Sri Lanka.

When read this list over the phone, Foreign Minister Bogollagama said, “If they were proper journalists, today they would be journalists somewhere [else] in the world, if they had just left the country for their safety.” He went on to ask: “We have so many opposition journalists in this country, why is it only them” who have fled?

“Their so-called writings have affected our destiny and our pursuit of counter terrorism,” he added.

International response

The international community has responded strongly to January’s attacks, and those that preceded them. CPJ wrote to President Rajapakse last year, calling for him to address the attacks on the media. This year we called for an independent inquiry into the attack on Sirasa TV and, after the killing of Wickrematunge, we called for forceful action from Colombo’s diplomats. Other press freedom and human rights groups have spoken out against Sri Lanka’s media attacks.

The government has come under a barrage of criticism from the diplomatic community, but diplomatic sources say they have little influence when meeting the President and his advisors, and at times have been treated dismissively. Some said they fear being marginalised as the government pursues its military solution in the north, which is supported by widespread popular approval in the rest of the country.

In Colombo, a disturbing analogy is being frequently used by journalists and some diplomats: There is concern that Sri Lanka is heading in the direction of becoming another Zimbabwe or Burma, countries run by governments resistant to pressure to live up to global norms of human rights.

Recommendations

To the international community:

* Engage with the Sri Lankan government, particularly the President’s Office, to address what has become a protracted assault on journalists and media houses.

* Insist that the government rein in its security forces, which are believed to be behind not only the spate of attacks in January of this year, but the assaults on journalists critical of the government that increased in late 2006.

* Point out that Sri Lanka’s international image has been tarnished, and insist that attacks must be fully investigated by police and the judiciary, unhindered by government pressure. No matter what viewpoint the government holds in its attempts to end the fighting with the LTTE, members of Sri Lanka’s civil society who dare to criticise the government must not be treated as it’s enemy.

To the Government of Sri Lanka:

* Provide adequate protection and security for any journalist who is threatened.

* Ensure that those journalists who have fled in fear of their lives or liberty can return home to Sri Lanka in safety.

* Ensure an independent, thorough, and timely investigation of all attacks on journalists.

* Release the full autopsy report on Lasantha Wickrematunge.

To the U.S. government:

* The American Embassy in Colombo is deeply concerned about these attacks on journalists and has often acted in their interest. CPJ calls on the State Department to work with the Embassy to consider ways to offer temporary refuge to Sri Lankan journalists who decide to flee their country in fear of their safety, and to encourage other countries to do the same. None of these men and women want to abandon their homeland, their families, and their careers, but they deserve some sort of temporary refuge.

Courtesy : Sunday Leader

In the response of our article”

Standard Chartered Bank , Sri Lanka : A Bank operated by Thugs ”

Guest Post :

This an e-mail i posted to SCB today . Lets see how they respond.

I was about to open an account with SCB. My brother operates an account with SCB. He advised me SCB would be a good bank to choose.

Prior to my brother opening an account with your bank my father banked with SCB before he passed away.

However little did they know how  SCB operates. My brother certainly knows now as I advised him of your nasty methods used to chase bank debtors in Sri Lanka.

We as a family are very well connected and are very wealthy. We do have the resources to take SCB on and make sure as a bank it learns to act responsibly and with compassion.

I investigated SL SCB thoroughly and found your methods of collecting debts owed to the bank lacked candour and your operation in harassing wayward bank debtors and their innocent relatives morally repugnant and illegal.

I am about to start a campaign to stop your bank using debt collection private agencies staffed by  ex police and military cadre thugs to ruin the lives of innocent Sri Lankans by harassing innocent  individuals that owe the bank nothing.

Am in the process of writing to the CEO of Standard Chartered world-wide and will be posting him the full investigative report on clandestine operations against the poor and innocent by SCB hiring evil contracted debt collection agencies in SL to its work.

This will be widely reported shortly world-wide and Standard Chartered reputation will be ruined in every country they operate in.

Standard Chartered European operations will be picketed on a daily basis and the press will be shown the report. Think world-wide media reports from CNN to NBSC BBC will air this report and SCB will be brought to the table to answer for its transgressions in SL.

SCB have one way to redeem the situation. Immediately stop using morally repugnant methods outside the law to chase innocent people related to debtors.

The bank has one week to put this into operation by dismissing all contract debt collections agencies in SL. and stopping the harassment of innocent individuals.

It’s as simple as that.

Standard Chartered bank world -wide will suffer the consequences if the bank knowingly participated in the evil scheme .

Remember banks and bankers are now considered a lower breed of species than vermin.  People world-wide know all bankers have a disgraceful reputation SCB will top that and end up on top of the pile of rotten banks. And your bank will collapse like the proverbial house of cards. Your recent profitability will turn to dust faster than  a bankers blink .

Regards,
Riley

Human Rights Watch on the pathetic plight of the Wanni civilians

The tragic plight of civilians existing in thenorthern mainland known as Wanni continues to deteriorate. While charges and counter-charges fly, the day to day life of the ordinary people worsens.

The New York-based human rights watchdog – Human Rights Watch – has in a recent 45 page report titled War On The Civilians vividly documented the various abuses perpetrated against Wanni civilians by the Sri Lankan armed forces and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

It is a powerful expose of the actual situation which currently prevails. Though exigencies of space does not permitextensive reproduction, this column will, through relevant extracts focus on salient aspects of the report.

The report summary in fullis presented here first:

Summary

After 25 years, the armed conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) may be nearing its conclusion. But for the quarter of a million civilians trapped or displaced by the fighting, the tragedy has intensified. Since the fall of the LTTE’s administrative centre, Killinochchi, in early January 2009, civilian casualties in the northern Wanni region have skyrocketed to more than 5,100, including at least a thousand deaths, based on a conservative tally by independent monitors analysed by Human Rights Watch.

More recent information places civilian casualties at 7,000, including 2,000 fatalities. Added to this are the dire hardship faced by the displaced – insufficient food, medical care, and shelter, whether in the combat zone or government-run “welfare villages.”

The Sri Lankan armed forces and the LTTE appear to be engaged in a perverse competition to demonstrate the greatest disregard for the civilian population. In the last two months alone, both sides have committed numerous violations of international humanitarian law, the laws of war. While not all loss of civilian life is a laws-of-war violation, the failure of the government forces and the LTTE to meet their international legal obligations has undoubtedly accounted for the high death tolls.

Retreating from Sri Lankan Army (SLA) advances, the LTTE has forcibly taken along all civilians under its control. As the territory held by the LTTE has shrunk – now a short, narrow strip on the northeast coast of the island – the civilian population has been dangerously forced into a smaller and smaller space. In violation of the laws of war, the LTTE has refused to allow civilians to flee the fighting, repeatedly fired on those trying to reach government-held territory, and deployed forces near densely populated areas. The civilians who remain under LTTE control, including children, are subject to forced recruitment into LTTE forces and hazardous forced labour on the battlefield.

Atrocities

The LTTE’s grim practices are being exploited by the government to justify its own atrocities. High-level statements have indicated that the ethnic Tamil population trapped in the war zone can be presumed to be siding with the LTTE and treated as combatants, effectively sanctioning unlawful attacks. Sri Lankan forces have repeatedly and indiscriminately shelled areas crowded with civilians. This includes numerous reported bombardments of government-declared “safe zones” and the remaining hospitals in the region.

The plight of displaced persons has been exacerbated by the government’s decision in September 2008 to order most humanitarian agencies out of the Wanni. The government’s own efforts to bring in food, medical supplies, and other relief with a minimal United Nations role have been insufficient. Continuing fighting, lack of oversight, and the manipulation of aid delivery by government forces and the LTTE have all contributed to the deepening humanitarian crisis.

Displaced persons are increasingly escaping from the battle zone to what they hope is safety within government-controlled areas. Instead, they are finding government internment centres masquerading as “welfare villages.” While the government for security reasons should be screening new arrivals, it is instead secretly taking away LTTE suspects to arbitrary detention or possible enforced disappearances.

All displaced persons crossing to the government side are sent to internment centres in Vavuniya and nearby locations. As Human Rights Watch has reported previously, these are military-controlled, barbed-wire camps in which those sent there, including entire families, are denied their liberty and freedom of movement. Humanitarian agencies have tenuous access, but do so at the risk of supporting a long-term detention programme for civilians fleeing a war.

The hospital in Vavuniya mirrors the town’s internment camps. When Human Rights Watch visited, it lacked even the most basic necessities: many of the hospital beds had no bed sheets, blankets, or pillows. And despite the obvious lack of capacity to handle all of the wounded and attend to their needs, the hospital personnel reportedly were instructed by the authorities not to ask for any assistance from international agencies, and very few agencies have been allowed access to the hospital. Relatives have had difficulty seeing patients, and some have later been visited by the security forces.

Human Rights Watch calls on the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE to act immediately to stop the ongoing slaughter of civilians. Both parties should facilitate the creation of a humanitarian corridor and otherwise respect the laws of war. The LTTE should allow civilians to leave the war zone and the SLA should stop shelling near densely populated areas, safe zones and hospitals. Those displaced civilians who reach the government side should be assisted but not interned. And the government should permit independent media and human rights organisations to go to the conflict area. (More detailed recommendations are set forth at the end of this report.)

Instead of using its victories in the field to promote a more open and democratic nation, the Sri Lankan government has conducted a cynical campaign to prevent all independent public coverage of its military operations and the plight of civilians caught up in the war. While decrying LTTE abuses, it has kept out the media and human rights organisations that could report on them – and on government abuses. It has kept displaced persons who could describe the artillery bombardments locked up in camps and hospitals. It has traded the well-being of tens of thousands of Sri Lankan citizens for protection from international scrutiny. With civilian casualties mounting, it has sought to bury its abuses.

A short note by HRW on civilian casualties is reproduced:

A note on civilian casualties

Civilian casualties have risen dramatically since the LTTE retreated to a roughly 100-square-kilometre (39-square-mile) area in northeastern Mullaitivu District. Because the government has prohibited independent media and human rights organisations from visiting the combat area, information on civilian casualties has been difficult to obtain. Nonetheless, a conservative estimate can be made based on actual counts by independent observers on the ground.

During a three-week period from January 20 to February 13, 2009, independent observers in the Wanni collected information on 5,150 civilian casualties  -1,123 deaths and 4,027 injuries-from the current fighting. This number was derived from a compilation of reports that recorded individual casualties, the date and place of the attack, and the nature of the attack. Newly obtained information places total civilian casualties at 7,000, with 2,000 deaths.

Information from other sources supports these findings. For instance, Human Rights Watch obtained a list of patients from Puthukkudiyiruppu (PTK) hospital containing patients’ names, age, sex, address, place of injury, type of injury, type of blast, and arrival date at the hospital. The list shows that between January 1 and January 26 alone, this single hospital received 573 patients suffering conflict injuries, 75 of whom died.

The section explaining methodology adopted sheds much light on the manner and mode of how the HRW conducts its fact-finding missions:

Methodology

This report is based on research conducted by a Human Rights Watch mission to Sri Lanka from February 3 to 13, 2009. Human Rights Watch conducted over 60 interviews with representatives of local and international non-governmental and humanitarian organisations, UN agencies, medical personnel, religious leaders, diplomatic representatives, and ordinary civilians affected by the conflict. The interviews were conducted in Colombo and Vavuniya, in English or through a Tamil-English translator.

The research was conducted mainly in Vavuniya where the majority of displaced persons from conflict areas in the Wanni currently are arriving.

The Sri Lankan government has taken numerous measures to deny access to information for independent observers, including representatives of human rights organisations, journalists, and others. Just a handful of international agencies have been allowed access to the internally displaced person (IDP) camps in Vavuniya and especially the hospital where wounded civilians have been brought. Information on the current situation in the Wanni is extremely limited, coming primarily from local staff of international agencies trapped in the conflict area along with other civilians and medical personnel.

The Sri Lankan government’s ongoing restrictions on information are denying the Sri Lankan public and the broader international community important information about the situation in the Wanni and the circumstances facing the population there, as well as the role not only of the government, but of the LTTE.

In our research, we focused on interviewing eyewitnesses to violations and seeking additional information from individuals who had access to the displaced persons in the Vavuniya camps and its hospital.

To protect the security of individuals with whom we spoke, we have removed certain identifying information and in some cases used pseudonyms, as specifically indicated at relevant points.

HRW has also submitted a list of recommendations to all parties concerned. These recommendations by themselves indicate very clearly all the problems in the current situation. Those concrete suggestions are given below:

VI. Recommendations

To the government of Sri Lanka

Cease all attacks that violate the laws of war, including artillery bombardment and aerial bombing that does not discriminate between military targets and civilians, or that causes expected harm to civilians and civilian objects that is disproportionate to the anticipated military gain. Investigate and prosecute as appropriate military personnel, regardless of rank, who commit serious violations of the laws of war, which are war crimes.

Cease attacks on hospitals, including makeshift hospitals. Hospitals used to commit hostile acts are only subject to attack after a reasonable warning has been given that goes unheeded.

Cease attacks using weapons, such as multi-barrel rocket launchers and heavy artillery, which are indiscriminate when used in or near densely populated civilian populations.

Cease justifying unlawful attacks on civilians on the spurious ground that civilians who are not in so-called “safe zones” may legitimately be attacked. Violations of the laws of war by the LTTE do not justify attacks by government security forces in violation of the law.

Humanitarian access and civil society

Facilitate the immediate creation of humanitarian corridors to allow civilians trapped by the fighting to travel to areas away from the fighting.

Immediately lift the September 2008 order barring humanitarian agencies from the Wanni conflict area in northern Sri Lanka and allow humanitarian agencies to return to assist at-risk individuals and reach all civilians in need. Restrictions on relief should be made on a case-by-case basis and only when there is a specific and justifiable security reason for the restriction. Refusals for valid security reasons should only be for as long as necessary and should not block legitimate humanitarian assistance.

Allow independent observers, including journalists, access to conflict zones so that accurate and timely information about the situation of civilians in such areas is publicly available.

Instruct security forces to respect and protect humanitarian aid personnel and their facilities, supplies, and transportation. Personnel who commit abuses against humanitarian organisations and their staff should be disciplined or criminally prosecuted as appropriate.

Ensure that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are able to perform their work without arbitrary government interference: regulation of NGO activities should comply with international standards, be transparent, and follow clearly defined procedures. Registration should ultimately facilitate the work of NGOs and should neither disrupt legitimate NGO activities nor put NGO workers at risk.

Work with donor governments to establish an international human rights monitoring mission under United Nations auspices to monitor violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict.

Displaced persons

Abide by the United Nations general principles on internal displacement, including by permitting the freedom of movement of displaced persons, respecting the right of displaced persons to return to their homes, and permitting humanitarian agencies access to displaced persons.

Permit humanitarian agencies to monitor the intake of displaced persons at checkpoints, such as at Omanthai.

Immediately end the arbitrary and indefinite detention of civilians displaced by recent fighting at the Kalimoddai, Sirunkandal, and Menik Farm camps in northern Sri Lanka, and at other proposed camps.

Make public the names of all persons detained by the military and police under Emergency Regulations and other laws, and provide those detained prompt access to their families and legal counsel.

To the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

Stop preventing civilians from leaving areas under LTTE control. Respect and facilitate the right to freedom of movement of civilians, including the right of civilians to move to government-controlled territory for safety.

End all deliberate attacks on civilians, such as on civilians who are seeking to flee LTTE-controlled areas. Appropriately punish individuals responsible for such attacks.

Do not use civilians as “human shields,” and take all feasible steps to avoid placing military targets near civilians.

Facilitate the immediate creation of humanitarian corridors to allow civilians trapped by the fighting to travel to areas away from the fighting.

Provide United Nations and humanitarian agencies safe and unhindered access to areas under LTTE control, and guarantee the security of all humanitarian and UN workers, including Wanni residents working as humanitarian or UN staff.

To the Co-Chairs of the Tokyo Donors’ Conference (Japan, European Union, Norway, and the United States), India, United Kingdom, and other concerned governments.

Urgently seek a special session of the UN Human Rights Council on the situation in the Wanni and violations of international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict.

Speak out publicly and in private meetings with Sri Lankan authorities and other concerned officials on the situation in the Wanni. Insist that the government adhere to its international legal obligations on human rights and humanitarian matters.

Urge the government to withdraw its September 2008 order and allow humanitarian agencies access to the Wanni so that they can provide urgent humanitarian assistance and help provide civilian protection.

Urge the government to ensure the protection of displaced persons, regardless of ethnicity, and end arbitrary detention. Press the government to follow the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, which provide that, consistent with the right to liberty, internally displaced persons “shall not be interned in or confined to a camp.”

Urge the government to allow the UN and its agencies to conduct a strategic, long-term needs assessment of displaced civilians in the north and permit a follow-up programme to implement these needs.

Allow

Press the government to allow independent observers, including journalists, access to conflict zones so that accurate and timely information about the situation of civilians in such areas is publicly available.

Work with the Sri Lankan government to establish an international human rights monitoring mission under United Nations auspices to monitor violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict.

To the Co-Chairs of the donor conference (Japan, European Union, Norway and the United States), India, United Kingdom and other concerned governments.

Urgently seek a special session of the UN Human Rights Council on the situation in the Wanni and violations of international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict.

Speak out publicly and in private meetings with Sri Lankan authorities and other concerned officials on the situation in the Wanni. Insist that the government adhere to its international legal obligations on human rights and humanitarian matters.

Urge the government to withdraw its September 2008 order and allow humanitarian agencies access to the Wanni so that they can provide urgent humanitarian assistance and help provide civilian protection.

Urge the government to ensure the protection of displaced persons, regardless of ethnicity, and end arbitrary detention. Press the government to follow the UN guiding principles on internal displacement, which provide that, consistent with the right to liberty, internally displaced persons “shall not be interned in or confined to a camp.”

Urge the government to allow the UN and its agencies to conduct a strategic, long-term needs assessment of displaced civilians in the north and permit a follow-up programme to implement these needs.

Press the government to allow independent observers, including journalists, access to conflict zones so that accurate and timely information about the situation of civilians in such areas is publicly available.

Work with the Sri Lankan government to establish an international human rights monitoring mission under United Nations auspices to monitor violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict.

courtesy : Sunday Leader

Internally Displaced persons (IDPs) have become a lucrative income generating business for highly connected persons in the government. Disaster Relief Services Minister Rishard Badhiutheen’s younger brother has secured a money-spinning government contract to construct semi-permanent shelters in IDP villages, LAKBIMAnEWS authoritatively learns. Thousands of shelters made of tin sheets are due to be installed in sprawling “welfare villages” for civilians displaced from the Wanni.Work has already begun on the sites. Meanwhile, Northern Province Governor Dickson Sarathchandra Dela has reportedly secured another lucrative contract to clear jungles in Vavuniya so that welfare camps may be set up. Attempts to contact Minister Badhiutheen failed while Dela said a company had got the deal to clear jungle in Vavuniya and that “my son may be a director but I am not sure”.

Comment : I know this minister Rishard, I personally tel him ,”you do all the “Haram”(Prohimited thigs in izlam) but then why do you all pray 5 times ,and still carry muslim names ,change it to Johon or Johny 1.

By Eagle Eye

Priding themselves as philanthropists, espousing the word of God, the very name Deshamanya Dr. Lalith Kotelawala and Lady Dr. Sicille Kotelawala evoked respect, trust and above all a sense of security.

Which is why 9054 people in this country, trusted the duo with millions,in some cases tens of millions ofrupees in life savings.Perhaps part of those millions belonging to some depositors was black money. Perhaps some of them invested their monies to evade paying tax to the government. Perhaps they were just plain greedy or a mixture of both. After all, why did they not invest the monies in a reputable bank?

Whatever the case, they were confident their savings/loot would be safe in the hands of two human beings held in the highest esteem.

When Golden Key collapsed like a pack of cards in December last year and as the sordid details unraveled in staggered scenes of drama, horrified, dismayed depositors who had been earning as much as 30 and 32 percent on their investments at Golden Key were forced to come to grips with the fact that soon their monies would be confined to mere numbers on a piece of paper. Soon to be identified as one of the biggest white collar crimes ever committed in this country.

Benevolent father of charity

Embraced as a benevolent father of charity, a lover of humankind, Lalith Kotelawala is today spoken of with venom by the very people who claimed to be his friends and say they trusted him implicitly. Today, these same people spit his name out with vitriol. Thousands of families robbed of a monthly interest amounting from thousands to millions of rupees earned off their capital investment with Golden Key are today destitute. They are shattered. They are broken.

One of the biggest depositors who begged anonymity told The Sunday Leader, ‘There is only one thing left for me to do now. Commit suicide.”

Having earned his millions, he says off an import export car business in Japan,he invested close to a staggeringRs.180 million with Golden Key because he trusted and above all respected Lalith Kotelawala. “This was no Sakvithi,” he said, adding however that today his one time benefactor who gave him a 32 percent interest on his capital is”nothing but a common crook.” A multi millionaire more than 150 times over this man is today struggling to pay the medical bills of his four and a half year old son who is suffering from a brain tumour.

“Kotelawala is now attempting to do a Saradiel,” he charged asserting the Ceylinco Chief is attempting to “take from the rich and give the poor.” “He will use our millions to pay off over 7000 depositors who had much smaller deposits and people like me will be left in the lurch,” he said.

A paltry sum

At least one depositor from this list, Lady Dr. Sicille Kotelawala will have no such qualms. Her investment in Golden Key was to the tune of Rs. 10.6 million only. A paltry sum by her standards. Even that, most likely is what she skimmed off from the company itself. After all, according to court documents she was paid a staggering Rs. 3.5 million a month for being the Deputy Chairman.

To the contrary, H. K. Dharmadasa according to the depositors list is the third highest investor having invested Rs. 92.5 million in Golden Key. A hard nosed businessman if ever there was one, nevertheless it would appear that Dharmadasa popularly known as Nawaloka Mudalali has been taken for the biggest ride of his life. Or the most expensive, whichever way one wants to look at it. For, going by available evidence he will in all probability have to kiss his 92.5 million bucks goodbye! Unless Kotelawala can perform a miracle. But then again for Nawaloka Mudalali, this amount is just chicken feed. He is rich enough not to have to worry about paying for groceries or medical bills for that matter.

From lower middle class families to upper, from rich to super rich there was no class distinction between the 9054 people who entrusted their monies with Golden Key.

Beginning with a deposit of Rs. 2, 981.83 by Mr. W. A. M. Perera, the list snowballs into a final Rs. 200 million deposit by Milton Karunaratne bringing the grand total to Rs. 26 billion.

No religious distinction

There is no religious distinction either. The Bishop of Ratnapura, Dr. Cletus Chandrasiri Perera has invested Rs. 40 million. In similar vein Ven. Rathanasara Thero from Kegalle has invested Rs. 17 million. As has Ven. B. Somawansa Thero – Rs. 41.4 million.

His Lordship, Dr. Cletus Chandrasiri Perera confirmed that he had indeed invested Rs. 40 million in Golden Key. “Dr. Lalith Kotelawala is a personal friend which is why I put my money there,” the Bishop said, adding, “We are hopeful we will get our monies back.” Asked if Kotelawala or anyone from the company had contacted him and indicated how and when they would return his investment the Bishop said, “No. We are only going by what we read and hear in the media,” he said.

The high priest of a temple in Matara who also requested anonymity has invested over Rs. 17 million in Golden Key. He said the money does not belong to him but to a Japanese national who is a “close friend.” He maintains that the monies were invested so the temple could use the interest amounting to Rs. 342,000 per month towards the development of the temple. Distraught, asserting he now does not know how to explain the loss to his Japanese friend the high priest is at his wits end. He said he has now approached a politician to intervene and use political muscle to help him recover his capital.

A double blow

And in what seems like a double blow Sri Lanka’s Cricket Captain and national hero Mahela Jayawardene, injured in Lahore last week, has invested Rs. 10 million. The same Jayawardene who was smart enough to quit the captaincy before the thugs in the selection committee dumped him, was not smart enough to know that even Kotelawala cannot pay such exuberant interest and make a profit.

Former cricketing legend Roshan Mahanama was no better. He had invested Rs. 11 million ofhis hard earned money. Unlike Nawaloka Mudalali both cricketers are known to be gentlemen of the highest calibre and honest to a fault.

Gwendoline Inice Lindsay White, daughter-in-law of Eliyantha Lindsay White, a close confidant to President Mahinda Rajapakse, has also invested Rs. 63.4 million in Golden Key.

Her brother answered our phone call and said the monies were “a collective investment” earned off businesses they are engaged in Japan. “I don’t know what will happen to our monies. At the moment we are clueless,” he said, voicing similar sentiments to thousands of other depositors.

The strange thing is that most of the big depositors are businessmen who understand finance. They would have known that the unrealistically high interest rates paid by Golden Key cannot be sustained. They would have also known that it was not registered with the Central Bank.

But then again, the company has been in existence since 1978,and the collapse of the Ceylinco empire has been predicted for more than a decade. You can run a pyramid scheme for so long only if new depositors kept putting money in. It is to the credit of the Kotelawalas that they took so many people for a ride for so long.

Hobnobbed with presidents

Prasanna Hennayake, of Hennayake Holdings (Pvt.) Ltd. is a company specialising in photography and videography. Hennayake is a well known and reputed photographer of weddings and hobnobbed with presidents and leading politicians. He is also the current official photographer for the Cricket Board. He invested Rs. 50 million in Golden Key. Hennayake says that apart from attending a meeting at the BMICH which was chaired by Lalith Kotelawala where he had promised to return their monies he has not been informed sinceof any kind of repayment of his Rs. 50 million. “I don’t believe anymore he has money, if not he wouldn’t be remanded,” he said.

Asked how he had amassed a fortune of Rs. 50 million, Hennayake explained, “This is hard earned money. I had a two acre land in Padukka with a nice bungalow. The Ceylinco Group bought this whole place. They didn’t actually pay me but advised me to invest the monies from this sale in Golden Key. At first it was Rs. 40 million. For which I was paid an interest of 30 percent.

Subsequently, Hennayake says he sold another land and house he had purchased at Rajagiriya for his daughter and sold at her request. “Around this time I was telephoned by Golden Key and asked to invest a further 10 million rupees. As a result on November 3, last year, both my wife and I personally met  Khavan Perera, at the time CEO of Golden Key, and he assured us the monies would be safe. Perera gave us a guarantee saying that if there was any kind of doubt on my part he would release the monies within a month.”

Learnt of the collapse

Elaborating Hennayake said, “When in December we learnt of the collapse of the company we again met Khavan Perera. He promised to release my Rs.50 million capital investment on January 20, 2009. But by that time he was in jail.”

“It is off the interest I earned on this money I paid for two of my children’s education overseas. Now I am saddled with not only their education fees but also with a mortgage for a new house I purchased in Boralesgamuwa. Seylan Bank collected the repayment on this mortgage from the interest I earned off my investment at Golden Key. It is only after the bank recovered the monthly installment was I released the balance, ” Hennayake said.

Hennayake insists he has nothing to hide. “In 2002 the government asked us to show all our assets and money. We were granted a tax amnesty. I have declared everything. I have shown it to income tax, I don’t have anything to hide,” he said.

M. Samad, had invested over Rs. 80 million with Golden Key. He is devastated. He said, “This is mass fraud. Whoever gave him (Lalith Kotelawala) the title of Deshamanya should be kicked.” Too late. It was either J.R. Jayewardene or Ranasinghe Premadasawho gave him that title. Both are now dead.

“We are shattered”

Samad and his wife are heartbroken. An engineer and a chartered accountant respectively the couple say they earned their millions through years of hard work in Bahrain. “We are shattered. This situation has caused such a lot of conflict at home. We are also Muslims and not supposed to earn money off interest payments. But we did. And now we are living in turmoil,” he said.

Samad maintains he “trusted” the Ceylinco Group and never dreamt the company and its subsidiary Golden Key would go bankrupt. They continue they say to live in hope, but assert that Lalith Kotelawala “never called us” and to date, no repayment plan has yet taken shape.

K. R. M. Weerakoon voiced similar sentiments. She has together with her daughters invested a total of Rs. 120 million in Golden Key. “We trusted Lalith. We trusted him too much.Only now we realise what type of a man he is. I trusted and respected him. Now it is all gone,” she lamented.

Weerakoon describing herself as a widow says this was her life savings from a garment and horticulture business she has owned since 1973. She says she never withdrew the interest of her capital investment of Rs. 63.5 million but allowed the monies to accrue.

“He is the biggest crook”

She said it is she who encouraged her two daughters and friends to invest in Golden Key. “But now I learn he (Lalith Kotelawala) is the biggest crook.”

Weerakoon said she has heard that Kotelawala has paid back depositors who have invested less than Rs. 1 million in Golden Key – after having deducted the interest due. “This is his repayment plan. Obviously it does not bode well for bigger depositors like myself,” she said.

And the tales continue. Anoop Kundanmal, a highly respected businessman and member of the popular Kundanmal chain has invested Rs. 23.8 million in Golden Key. He said so far he has received no assurance at all that he will get his investment back. He said in fact they have been informed that the company will deduct due rebates from the capital and return only a part of their monies. “So for those of us who did not collect our interest payment every month – we will have to say goodbye to those monies,” Kundanmal said.

“Respectable, educated” crooks

Even well known criminal lawyer and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Italy, Hemantha Warnakulasuriya is not spared. His investment of Rs. 13.5 million is all but now confined to mere digits on a piece of paper. It is going to take all Warnakulasuriya’s diplomatic skills to negotiate his way out of this one.

At the end of the day, there is no difference between Sakvithi and the Kotelawalas. It only proves that a good education and a respectable family background stands for nothing. Societies all over the world seem to be full of “respectable, educated” crooks.

No doubt the Kotelawalas will go down in history as the masterminds behind the country’s biggest fraud. But that is no consolation to the depositors. They may have been greedy and stupid but that is not a crime. Fraud is..

The top ones

MR        P P B P GURUGE           70,000,000.00

MRS      NAYESHA          RANASINGHE    71,456,813.87

MR        NIHAL   HOOLE 73,000,000.00

MR        M          SAMAD 80,006,307.07

MR        R D S K WIJEWICKRAMA           88,154,914.78

MR        M A S A WIJAYASIRI      88,400,000.00

MR        H K       DHARMADASA   92,500,000.00

MR        A S       SILVA   170,000,000.00

MR        MILTON            KARUNARATNE  200,000,000.00

Some top investors

MR        CHRISTOPHER LEONARD          FERNANDO       50,000,000.00

MR        M J A    KREITMEIR       50,000,000.00

MR        PRASANNA UDAYA LAL  HENNAYAKE      50,000,000.00

MR        D M L P DISSANAYAKE   50,270,913.40

MR        M V M D R         NISHANTHA      53,000,000.00

MR        G W      LAW DAVIS       61,976,512.52

MRS      GWENDOLINE INICE    LINDSAY WHITE           63,450,000.00

MR        V.K.      CHOKSY           63,508,836.03

MRS      K R M    WEERAKOON    63,582,015.21

MR        RANJITH           SUMANASEKERA           66,556,823.06

MRS      J M G    THUSHARI        68,781,270.09

Those holding investments between Rs. 30 and Rs.50 mn

MR        C R       PERERA            30,000,000.00

DR        D S J     JAYASINGHE     30,000,000.00

MR        K          KUMARANAYAGAM         30,000,000.00

MR        W R      TISSERA           30,000,000.00

MR        A M       DE MEL 30,000,000.33

MR/MS  RANIL C / RAMANI D V  WAGISWARA    30,005,000.00

MR        M V M D V M A  SHANTHAPRIYA 30,050,000.00

MR        D W T   ATHUKORALA    30,075,143.84

MR        C          WICKRAMARATNA         30,200,000.00

DR        PANTHIYAGE UPALI EGERTON   FERNANDO       30,400,000.00

MR        ERATH KUMAR  KARUNARATNE  30,953,323.11

MR        G G       GUNASENA       31,000,000.00

DR        H M K   DE SILVA          31,167,597.53

MR        H D       GUNASEKERA   31,189,811.76

MRS      D A PUSHPA JENAT MALLIKA     PREMARATHNE 31,500,000.00

MR        E L       SENANAYAKE    31,600,000.00

MR        D K       DASSANAYAKE  33,011,392.36

MR        UPALI S            WEDAGE          33,500,000.08

BRIG     R M B P RANASINGHE    33,600,000.00

MR        N C       ABESINGHE      34,141,037.92

MR        V          SENEVIRATNE   34,500,000.00

MR        MAKUMBURAGE WIJITHA          PERERA            34,500,001.38

MR        K T K    KOTELAWELA   35,000,000.00

MR        KOSHY  THOMAS           35,000,000.00

MR        R L       FONSEKA          35,000,000.00

MR        S DILAN            ABEYEWARDENE           35,000,000.00

MR        DHANAPALA      MAHAGAMMULLE GAMAGE        35,000,000.96

MR        M B       MOHAMED FAIZAL        36,000,000.00

MRS      SHIROMALA JASINTHA  WANIGASINGHE           37,800,000.00

MR        MOHAN GILBERT           38,800,000.00

REV      A R C    PEIRIS  40,000,000.00

REV      BISHOP OF       RATNAPURA      40,000,000.00

MR        D C       ABEYWARDENE 40,000,000.00

MR        MAYURA            APARTMENTS    40,000,000.00

MR        NELSON           THOMAS           40,000,000.00

MRS      M          RITA     40,100,000.00

MR        M P       AGAMBARAM     40,650,000.00

REV      RAJA     PERERA            41,050,000.00

VEN      B          SOMAWANSA THERO    41,400,000.00

MRS      J M       RAUX    45,000,000.00

MR        R P P    SENARATHNA    47,000,000.00

MR        R A D S S          RANDENI          48,200,000.00

MISS    P U S D FERNANDO       48,932,639.96

MR        D THEODORE CLARENCE          RANASINGHE    49,150,647.31

MRS      KUMARI W M T  WIJERATNE      49,667,917.06

MR        D M L P DISSANAYAKE   49,729,086.60

Those holding investments between Rs. 10 to Rs. 30 mn

MR        K M       SOMASIRI         10,100,000.00

MRS      SWINEITHAA    SENADIYRA       10,100,000.00

MR        VERNAN DODWELL JOSE          ABEYSUNDARA  10,100,000.00

MR        A M N   ATAPATTU         10,128,510.88

MRS      K R M    WEERAKOON    10,129,064.41

MRS      K R M    WEERAKOON    10,134,971.76

MR        GAMINI JAYASURIYA      10,140,147.15

MRS      TAMARA ANNE  PERERA            10,150,000.00

MR        P B L    COORAY           10,155,493.06

MRS      K R M    WEERAKOON    10,190,437.46

MR        N N T    PRIYANTHA       10,200,000.00

MR        N W E R            NANAYAKKARA  10,200,000.00

DR        S L G    JAYASURIYA      10,200,000.00

MR        D ANIL KUMARASIRI     ADIKARAM        10,228,389.05

MR        UPALI   WARAGODA      10,250,000.00

DR        H A D A HETTIARACHCHI           10,281,301.13

MR        HECTOR           WIJERATHNE    10,300,000.00

MRS      LILANI MIGNONE          BALASURIYA     10,300,000.00

MR        T H S    ABEYRATNE      10,300,000.00

MR        E A M L EDIRISINGHE   10,304,266.47

MR/MS  R C / S R           DE SILVA          10,326,923.08

MR        P S       FERNANDO       10,332,761.47

MRS      DEEPANI THARANGANI DHARMASIRI     10,350,000.00

MRS      J N D    BANDARANAIKE            10,367,315.84

REV      P D S B RATHNASINGHE            10,391,300.00

MR        PIYADASA         HEVAPATHIRANAGE      10,400,000.00

MR        B RANJITH CHERUKA JUD          FONSEKA          10,450,000.00

MR        KAHINGALA      SADDASENA     10,452,133.42

MR        JAYAMPATHI     PALIPANE         10,453,900.00

MR        M A S D            COSTA  10,462,626.19

MR        P D D    FERNANDO       10,481,757.82

MR        A G C    PIGERA 10,500,000.00

MR        A S R    ARSAKULARATNE          10,500,000.00

MR        D M      DEMOTTE         10,500,000.00

MRS      H A K NAYANA   DUSHANTHI      10,500,000.00

MR        K M P L PERERA            10,500,000.00

MRS      KANTHI DE SILVA          10,500,000.00

MRS      P R       DE SILVA          10,500,000.00

DR        V S       HETTIARACHCHI           10,500,000.00

MRS      W E S D            PEIRIS  10,500,000.00

MR        JAYANTHA JAYASINGHE GUNAWARDANE            10,510,821.52

MRS      PEARL  DE FONSEKA    10,524,335.88

MR        SUNIL   WIJETUNGE      10,534,680.00

MR        N D       JAYAWICKRAMA            10,562,540.13

MRS      C S       PEIRIS  10,600,000.00

LADY DR           S P C    KOTELAWALA   10,600,000.00

MRS      S R E    SIRIMALI          10,600,000.00

MS        GAYANI SUMUDU DHARM          WANNI ARACHCHIGE    10,630,886.60

PROF    P H G    FONSEKA          10,651,678.48

MR        M A C B            PERERA            10,677,954.03

MR        J A        DAVIS   10,700,000.00

MRS      M C      WEERATUNGA  10,763,200.00

MR        NIHAL   KALUARACHCHI            10,800,000.00

MR        P R       ABEYASEKARA  10,840,000.00

MR        L          SIRISENA         10,900,100.00

MR        K S M    KUMARATUNGE 10,920,000.00

MR        G A       HIDELARATCHI 11,000,000.00

MR        HERBERT          BERUWALAGE   11,000,000.00

MRS      L S       GURUSINGHE   11,000,000.00

MR        MAHESH           MUTHUTHANTHRI          11,000,000.00

MR        R L J     WICKREMERATNE         11,000,000.00

MR        ROSHAN           MAHANAMA       11,000,000.00

MR        S V R    PERERA            11,000,000.00

MRS      VICTORINE       WANIGASEKERA           11,000,000.00

MRS      W E S D            PEIRIS  11,000,000.00

MR        W R V   NAWARATHNA  11,000,000.00

MR        Y D W M R A     DISSANAYAKE   11,000,000.00

MR        D F D S P          PERERA            11,000,674.85

MR        N A Y DE S        JAYASINGHE     11,066,400.00

MRS      DAKSHINI         WICKRAMAPALA           11,070,673.14

MR        J A A     PERERA            11,100,000.00

MR        L S B    KULATUNGE      11,100,000.00

MR        M M      KUMUDU           11,102,063.42

MRS      T D R    PRIYADARSHANI           11,196,375.30

MRS      HANDUN ANUSHA SILVA           BOTEJUE          11,200,000.00

MR        D S       WITHANACHI    11,236,580.74

MR        W M D A S        WALPOLA         11,250,000.00

MRS      DAYA    WEERASINGHE 11,300,000.00

MR        N C D R THOMAS          GUNASEKARA   11,300,000.00

MRS      S A M A SWARNAPALI   SENANAYAKE    11,300,000.00

MR        K D S    WIJETUNGA      11,300,000.64

MRS      C D       WANIGASURIYA            11,350,000.00

MR        W A R   FERNANDO       11,350,000.00

MR        BENEDICT        JAYAKODY         11,500,000.00

MRS      K R       MADIHAHEWA  11,500,000.00

MR        T S K    KALUARACHCHI            11,500,000.00

MR        RANJAN            DE SILVA          11,500,000.59

MR        JEFFREY GREGORY CANU          SILVA   11,542,287.03

MR        T P       DAMBAWINNE  11,550,000.00

MR        T T DE A           GOONEWARDENA         11,553,390.00

MR        D D       JAYASINGHE     11,563,074.48

MR        MOHAMED NAZMI         HAMEED           11,600,000.00

MR        R F C    DE LIVERA        11,609,153.64

DR        G M      BUDDHADASA   11,616,086.78

MRS      SWARNALATHA PERERA            11,626,094.60

MR        S S       WICKRAMASINGHE       11,675,000.00

MR        V S K    CHANDRASENA 11,700,000.00

MR        W A N K            WIJELATH         11,700,000.00

MS        MARY ANN        DE SILVA          11,715,000.00

AKBAR BROTHERS LTD  BROTHERS LTD 11,740,580.00

MRS      JENA ALIZA       PATELL 11,766,324.50

MR        DEVAKA            DE SILVA          11,793,270.51

MRS      EUNICE            FAASEE            11,889,407.55

MR        P J B S  PERERA            11,930,000.00

MR        A J        PEREIRA           12,000,000.00

MR        ARINDA            MIYANADENIYA 12,000,000.00

DR        D K B G GUNASEKERA   12,000,000.00

MR        P P ANURA        GUNAWARDENA            12,000,000.00

MR        R A D P DE ALWIS         12,000,000.00

MR        S          THOMAS           12,000,000.00

MR        S K       RAMANA           12,000,000.00

REV      SISTER HELOISE MARIET          DE SILVA          12,000,000.00

MR        W A D   TISSERA           12,000,000.00

MRS      WICHITHRA SHIROMI   JOSEPH            12,000,000.00

MR        A KUMARA        HEWA KANKANAMGE    12,035,717.87

MR        M S M   SIDDEEK          12,092,918.53

MS        D S       PERERA            12,151,528.27

MRS      K A A S P          KUMARI            12,161,791.54

MRS      DHARSHANI      SENANAYAKE    12,168,750.00

MR        S R       DHARMASIRI     12,194,833.71

MRS      H T       JAYASEELI        12,259,457.08

MRS      JAYANTHA         GUNATHILAKE  12,300,000.00

MRS      RANAVAKAGE IRENE THE          FERNANDO       12,305,506.85

MR        W K      KARUNARATNE  12,309,300.04

MRS      J D        KASTURIARACHCHI       12,429,539.66

MR        CHRISANTHA    PERERA            12,477,000.00

MRS      NANDANI          DE SILVA          12,500,000.00

MRS      NANDANI          DE SILVA          12,500,000.00

MR        SEGU HALALDEEN MOHA          RAUSDEEN       12,500,000.00

MR        SURESH DILAN YASEEN            12,500,000.00

MR        H          EKANAYAKE      12,590,969.03

MRS      P D       NIMALAWATHI  12,600,369.84

MS        P S       FERNANDO       12,626,460.93

MR        WINNIFRED ALOMA MIRIA        PEREIRA           12,665,951.01

MR        TRAVIS TRYSTEM          KOCH   12,699,999.59

MR        J T        MACDONALD    12,700,000.00

MR        SIMON  HITHETIYA EDIRISURIYA           12,800,000.00

MRS      K A H    RAMANI            12,900,000.00

MRS      PADMA FERNANDO       12,900,000.00

MRS      S M K    ALUVIHARE       12,900,000.00

MISS    VIOLA   KARUNARATHNE           12,924,287.65

MR        AMARAPALA      ANDRA HENNEDIGE      13,000,000.00

MR        KANANKE ACHARIGE ANIL        KULARATNE      13,000,000.00

MR        L H G    JAYASURIYA      13,000,000.00

MR        M H      DEANE  13,000,000.00

MR        N V K K WERAGODA      13,000,000.00

MR        P I        PIERIS  13,000,000.00

MR        SINGHA            WEERASEKERA 13,000,000.00

MRS      U I T P  FERNANDO       13,066,062.81

MS        P R R    FERNANDO       13,100,000.00

MR        S C       HEWAVITHARANA         13,100,000.00

MR/MS  W / S WASSIA  KUNDANMAL     13,100,000.00

MR        P G       PUNCHIHEWA  13,110,482.90

MR        P R S    JAYAWARDENA 13,114,050.00

MRS      R A T    HERATH            13,127,599.01

MS        P V D    FERNANDO       13,200,000.00

MR        P C       UPASENA          13,243,962.16

MRS      SANDRA            JAYAMAHA        13,300,000.00

MR        L S       DE MEL 13,337,183.74

MR        W A R D            WIJESOORIYA  13,438,925.52

MR        NIRMAL            DE SILVA          13,444,850.67

MR        C          JAYATUNGE       13,500,000.00

MR        HEMANTHA       WARNAKULASURIYA     13,500,000.00

MR        T M       ABEYWICKRAMA           13,500,000.00

MR        D S       PEIRIS  13,525,000.00

MRS      K A P    PEIRIS  13,550,000.00

MR        K B T    ATTANAYAKE     13,600,000.00

MR        B E J     RODRIGO         13,820,327.79

MR        SIRIMAL D        WITHANAGE     13,854,406.14

MRS      ROSHANIE        JAYAWARDENA 13,877,384.52

MRS      S          FERNANDO       13,911,247.54

MS        AGAMPODI KAUSHALA DE         JAYATILLAKA     14,000,000.00

MRS      R N       YOGARATNAM   14,000,000.00

MR        J W PHILIP EARDLEY VER         BOTEJUE          14,000,000.72

MRS      RAMANI K         WARNAKULA     14,100,000.00

MRS      INDRANI MALA  GALAPPATHTHI ARAC    14,105,000.00

MR        M K T    JAYATILLEKE     14,200,000.00

MR        R P       SUBASINGHE    14,267,000.00

MRS      H D W M           PERERA            14,400,000.00

MR        S E       KULATUNGA      14,500,000.00

MR        THIVANKA         ANANDAGODA  14,500,000.00

MRS      THILANI            DE MEL 14,588,456.94

MR        K M P    PERERA            14,660,593.75

MRS      I           JOSEPH            14,944,074.56

MRS      A U       ABEYEWARDENE           14,946,381.31

MR        A A B R N          ANTONY            15,000,000.00

MR        A S       JAYAWARDANA 15,000,000.00

MR        DAYA    LIYANAGE         15,000,000.00

MR        DAYATISSA       PALLIYAGURUGE           15,000,000.00

MR        DON DEREK      WICKRAMASINGHE       15,000,000.00

MR        J C        FERNANDOPULLE         15,000,000.00

MR        KARL CORNEL   PERERA            15,000,000.00

MR        M D D   PIERIS  15,000,000.00

MR        M Z M & I N      JAWAHAR         15,000,000.00

MRS      MEEWANAGE KUSUMAWA         PERERA            15,000,000.00

MR        NIHAL C           GUNASEKERA   15,000,000.00

MRS      NILMINI            KULATHUNGE   15,000,000.00

MR        P          MUTHUSAMY     15,000,000.00

MR        P D P    KUMARASIRI     15,000,000.00

MRS      P H P    JAYASIRI           15,000,000.00

MR        P P       GUNAWARDANA            15,000,000.00

MR        R P       SHANMUGANATHAN      15,000,000.00

MRS      S M R    ANTHONISZ      15,000,000.00

MR        W R F   FONSEKA          15,000,000.00

MR        H R       CANDAPPA       15,013,000.00

MRS      B N P    PIYADASA         15,053,268.22

MR        THILAK MEEPEGAMA     15,062,453.50

MR        A R       JAYAKODDY      15,100,000.00

MRS      P M       GUNATILAKE     15,100,000.30

MR        M D A S            JAYARATNE       15,204,183.51

REV DR A R L    PEIRIS  15,214,400.00

MR        SUNIL   WIJETUNGE      15,246,500.00

MR        HORANASURIYAGAE      VIPULA MUNINDRADAS 15,266,897.86

MR        W D F   FERNANDO       15,289,500.00

MR        W W     MUNIWEERA     15,447,001.93

MISS    ANOJA  FERNANDO       15,492,695.31

MR/MR  C G L / Y F        DE ZOYSA         15,500,000.00

MS        L P S    DE SILVA          15,520,000.00

MR        FARZANA          MUSTAQDEEN   16,000,000.00

MR        H G F    PERERA            16,000,000.00

MR        I S        KARUNARATNE  16,000,000.00

MRS      MITHILA PUSHPANI      MADDUMAGE    16,000,000.00

MR        W         RUPASINGHE    16,000,000.00

MR        MAHINDRA        FERNANDO       16,000,558.57

MRS      D P F    WEERASOORIYA           16,226,303.84

MR        K C       ILLESINGHE     16,300,000.00

MR        I A J X A            FERNANDO       16,400,000.00

MR        C J        WICKRAMARATNE         16,500,000.00

MR        KUSUM ASOKA  TENNEKOON     16,500,000.00

MR        B D A C RODRIGO WEERA         GOONEWARDENA         16,505,000.18

MR        DAVE    RANASINGHE    16,562,917.31

MRS      W M E  DE SILVA          16,600,000.01

MR        KORALE WIDANAGE NAN          WIJEDEERA JAYAWAR   16,610,477.06

MR        G A       KUMARARATHNA           16,650,000.00

MR        B D A C R W     GOONEWARDENA         17,000,000.00

MR        B D A C RODRIGO WEERA         GOONEWARDENA         17,050,000.00

REV      KEGALLE          RATHANASARA THERO  17,050,000.00

REV FR M          THOMAS           17,066,944.04

MRS      T K       DIAS     17,200,000.00

MR        P A P L L           PERERA            17,375,000.55

MRS      S DEVIKA SAVITHRI      PEIRIS  17,400,000.00

MRS      K A P    RODRIGO         17,402,436.09

MR        W MAITHREE    FERNANDO       17,600,000.00

MR        DON GEORGE FRANCIS JAYAKODY ARACHCHIL  18,000,000.00

MR        M R R    RADHA  18,000,000.00

MRS      MANOJA NILMINI          WANIGASEKARA           18,000,000.00

MR        N I        RANASINGHE    18,000,000.00

MR        S K J     DE SILVA          18,000,000.00

MR        T R       ANTONY            18,000,000.00

MR        DON PRIYAL HEMANTHA           THALAGALAGE  18,025,000.00

MR        D S       RANASINGHE    18,100,000.00

DR        W M G  WIJAYABANDARA          18,200,000.00

MR        H M C P N         RANASINGHE    18,300,000.00

MR        DON GEORGE FRANCIS JAYAKODY ARACHCHIL  18,500,000.00

MR        LEKAMAGE DON DILIP LA         DE SILVA          18,700,000.00

MR        K V P    FERNANDO       18,743,671.23

MR        SUDATH            VITHANAGE      18,844,960.60

DR        JOHANNES        MATER  18,900,001.16

MR        S R       WIKRAMANAYAKE         19,000,000.00

MR        M R N   PEIRIS  19,007,300.19

MR        K T H    WICKREMASINGHE       19,200,000.00

DR        D H R    UNDUGODAGE  19,269,855.78

MR        W M     NANDISENA      19,290,968.57

MR        W R F   RODRIGO         19,406,487.23

MR        R T S    SIRIWEERA      19,450,000.00

MR        D T       HEWAWITHARANA        19,500,000.00

MR        S A G    SILVA   19,900,000.00

MR        A J        PIGERA 20,000,000.00

MRS      B S       COORAY           20,000,000.00

MRS      C J        JAYAKODY         20,000,000.00

MR        C P       ILLEPERUMA     20,000,000.00

MR        DON GEORGE FRANCIS JAYAKODY ARACHILAG  20,000,000.00

MR        FEROZE            HAJI ANVER      20,000,000.00

MR        M R HEMANTHA BANDARA          20,000,000.00

MR        P          WIMALASOORIYA         20,000,000.00

MR        R K D    KARAVITA         20,000,000.00

MS        R T       FERNANDO       20,000,000.00

MR        S D       ABEYEWARDENE           20,000,000.00

MRS      S J        ABEYWICKRAMA           20,000,000.00

MR        T          SELVARATNAM  20,000,000.00

MR        W R      TISSERA           20,000,000.00

MR        Y D M S B          RAMBUKWELLA 20,000,000.00

MRS      CHITHRA          JAYAKODY         20,000,000.58

MR        J F R     PERERA            20,002,000.00

MR        B A R    WIJESEKERA    20,021,450.37

MRS      D C       KALUPATHIRANA           20,050,000.00

MR        K T       WICKREMASINGHE       20,100,000.00

MR        N DE SILVA       SAMARARATNE  20,100,000.00

MR        C          DIYUNUGE        20,101,541.55

MR        J N        MIRANDA          20,103,000.00

MR        J A        PEREIRA           20,108,577.78

MR        A N       DE SILVA          20,150,000.00

MR        M C A   PERERA            20,206,500.00

MR        R          BALASURIYA     20,241,315.47

MRS      K R M    WEERAKOON    20,472,933.44

DR        D H R    UNDUGODAGE  20,500,000.00

MR        G R T    SMITH  20,700,294.96

MRS      A L NAYAGI       AROKKIAM        20,840,090.00

MR        P I        FERNANDO       20,900,000.00

MR        A S M    RIFKI    20,970,347.30

DR        D S J     JAYASINGHE     21,000,000.00

MR        DON NEIL         SURAWEERA     21,000,000.00

MR        E N D    FERNANDO       21,000,000.00

MR        R          DAHANAYAKE    21,000,000.00

MR        S A G    SILVA   21,100,000.00

MRS      S          SENANAYAKE    21,350,000.00

MR        P I        FERNANDO       21,360,722.84

MS        SEPALIKA         RATNAYAKE      21,375,000.00

MR        J A        DAVIS   21,700,000.00

MR        D N       HUNDLANI        22,000,000.00

MR        RAVI     HATHIRAMANI   22,035,445.85

MS        KARUNAMUNI SHARMILA           DE SILVA          22,082,000.00

MR        NALIN   KULATILAKA     22,109,999.88

MR        H          BANDULASENA 22,300,000.00

MRS      V A I     SAMARASINGHE            22,340,000.00

MR        PRIYANKARA     JAYARATNE       22,500,000.00

MR        K R S    SHANTHA          22,518,700.48

MR        K A       KARUNANAYAKE            22,570,961.18

MR        R M U   RAJAPAKSA       22,875,000.00

MR        J V        EDWARDS        23,000,000.00

MR        M M A P W        JAYAWARDENA 23,000,000.00

MR        N A S M            DE SILVA          23,000,000.00

MR        KUMAR DHARMASENA   23,200,000.00

MR        N J H    GUNARATNE     23,207,602.84

MR        M D P   JAYASOORIYA   23,286,045.21

MR        TUDOR SARATH K         KALUARACHCHI            23,489,831.33

MRS      MANOJA NILANTHI RUPIK         DAPANA DURAGE          23,709,358.00

MR        P M U K N         JAYAWARDENA 23,724,089.61

MR/MS  ANOOP/INDU    KUNDANMAL     23,845,746.92

MR        ALAUDEEN        HYDER  24,000,000.00

MR        MANSOOR        RAJABALLI        24,000,000.00

MR        K D M K            SIRIWARDANA  24,036,930.00

MRS      NUALA MARYSE DE CABR          WIJETUNGE      24,101,875.00

MR        TISSA   UDUGAMA         24,743,729.13

MR        K LALCHAND     24,850,000.00

MR        S WENGAPPULI ARACHC          25,000,000.00

MR        A DANIEL          JEGASOTHY      25,073,657.06

MR        D J R     WIJEYESEKERA 25,278,020.75

MISS    VIOLA   KARUNARATNE  25,349,193.30

MR        MILTON            DE SILVA          25,369,077.49

MR        M R P C            BANDARA          25,400,000.00

MRS      P A S P WIJETUNGE      25,425,908.26

MRS      C K       DE SILVA          26,200,000.00

MR        K V U    WICKRAMATHILLAKA    26,500,109.59

MR        H T       HEWAVITHARANA         26,700,000.00

MR        R V K    DIAS     26,725,669.73

MR        K A D R J B        NANAYAKKARA  26,774,293.58

DR        HEWA MALAVIGE KUSUM          DE SILVA          26,827,687.58

courtesy : Sunday Leader

DR        H M K   DE SILVA          26,832,182.11

MR        N D       CALDERA          27,049,312.32

MR        K S T    NIMAL  27,500,000.00

MR        E J M    PERERA            27,800,000.00

MR        S PALITHA        SENANAYAKE    27,847,312.93

MR/MS  N I / U L           RANASINGHE    28,000,000.00

MRS      T VISHAKA LALANI        PERERA            28,090,022.56

MRS      NAYESHA          RANASINGHE    28,296,414.30

MR        A S       FERNANDO       28,317,969.28

MR        A C       PERERA            29,026,044.42

MR        P W      DE SILVA          29,064,929.27

MR        G B W   CHANDRASEKARA         29,200,000.00

Two Oberseverationfs from this article :

1) Non of the tamils invested within this company ,what do you see from it ? Business promoted only for others for the god sake .

2)Oh Sri Lankans are rich ,see how many millions each individual invested ,are they all business men ? can you earn money like this within short periods ?

Chamal Rajapakse

By Ranjith Jayasundera

Mihin Lanka is crashing once again with regular empty or barely half full flights causing the airline to run at a loss of over Rs 1 million per day. Several flights have flown empty with zero passengers leaving the airline far short of the three million rupees in revenue required per day in order for it to just break even.

Two flights had actually flown with zero passengers, and only three out of the 38 flights flown thus far by Mihin Lanka’s new aircraft have had a load factor of over 50%. One of these flights was the airline’s inaugural flight to Dubai, which carried 141 passengers.

The other two flights that were over half full were also flights to Dubai, carrying just 98 and 101 passengers respectively, out of the aircraft’s 186 seat capacity.

The Sunday Leader was able to acquire data from within Mihin Lanka detailing the number of passengers on every single flight flown by Mihin up until last Friday, January 16. As a bonus, if you are reading this article early on Sunday morning, the information presented here is up to the minute, since Mihin Lanka does not fly on Saturdays, allegedly due to astrological superstitions.

Our analysis found that the average load factor on a Mihin Lanka flight is a shockingly pathetic 23%. In layman’s terms, a typical Mihin flight will have around 46 passengers out of the 186 that it can carry.

What is more, out of the 300 non-refundable flying hours purchased by Mihin Lanka from the aircraft’s owner Transavia, the airline has used just over 120 hours with more than half of the month now over.

Mihin Lanka is paying Transavia US$ 2,890 per flying hour with a guaranteed non-refundable purchase of 300 flying hours (US$867,000) per month for a period of three months. At this rate of usage – aided by a bizarre decision not to fly on Saturdays – the airline is paying millions of rupees for flight time that it will never use.

Without even thinking of how many passengers would fly on Mihin in its first month, the airline’s flight schedule alone condemns it to waste over 50 flying hours bought at US$ 2,890 each totalling a loss of over US$ 144,500 that Mihin’s management has signed of on before the first flight even took off.

When The Sunday Leader exposed these very same dangers in the Transavia wet lease agreement in our November 30 issue, UNP Parliamentarian Ravi Karunanayake opined that the airline may waste 30 flight hours per month in a worst case scenario and went as far as to allege that “this is where the corruption is.”

Wasted hours

Now with the Mihin business plan itself throwing away over 50 flight hours it will be difficult for the public not to concur with the UNP’s assessment. The performance of the airline even after starting its “new leaf” by saying dasvidanya to over Rs 16 million in wasted flight hours for January, leaves us in little doubt that the Rs 6 billion parliament has doled out to Mihin Lanka can be safely presumed flushed down the toilet during the course of 2009.

All hopes that a proper management structure and business plan could be brought to the table by new Chairman Raja Edirisuriya were reduced to naught when Aviation Minister Chamal Rajapakse installed former SLT Chief Marketing Officer (CMO) Kapila Chandrasena as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Mihin Lanka, replacing Anura Bandara.

Chandrasena is identified with both Sajin Vaas Gunawardena and the Aviation Minister’s son Sasheendra Rajapakse. He is also alleged to have played a role in SLT’s forced purchase of a company called Sky Networks (Pvt) Ltd, owned by President Rajapakse’s sister’s son, Himal Laleendra Hettiarachchi, for the purpose of acquiring a WiMax license. This affair was exposed in The Sunday Leader issue of February 24, 2008.

Employees at Mihin Lanka have watched in awe as Kapila Chandrasena and Raja Edirisuriya fought bitter battles over who calls the shots at Mihin Lanka from the day of Chandrasena’s appointment.

With Mihin looking at another round of astounding and crippling losses, Edirisuriya has effectively thrown in the towel and left for the United States. A source close to the Chairman said that as a successful businessman of his own repute, with interests in his hometown of Los Angeles and elsewhere in the United States, Edirisuriya felt little point in tarnishing his own name further by being in charge of a business over which he had no control.

The irate Chairman went as far as to write to Aviation Minister Chamal Rajapakse last Friday outlining his grievances with Mihin CEO Kapila Chandrasena and how he made it impossible to run the affairs of the airline. Raja Edirisuriya issued the Minister an ultimatum that if Chandrasena was not removed from Mihin Lanka entirely, to consider that communiqu‚ as Edirisuriya’s final resignation from Mihin Lanka.

Whether the Minister will side with the family blue eyed boy or with the man invited to Sri Lanka from his cushy private sector environs by President Rajapakse to salvage Mihin Lanka is literally a six billion rupee question that taxpayers will soon need to know the answer to.

In Edirisuriya’s absence however, there are few moves to cut any corners in Mihin Lanka’s affairs. While the aircrew were slated to be put up at the Taj Samudra Hotel on a single room bed and breakfast basis rate of US$ 45 per night, a decision was taken to instead house the crew at the Taj Airport Gardens Hotel even after the Taj Samudra had been paid a deposit.

The rationale for the higher rate and forfeiture of the deposit from the airline’s management had apparently been the proximity of Airport Gardens to the Katunayake Airport – a factor that hasn’t affected the decisions at any other major airline, who house their air crews in Colombo at cheaper rates, and deal with the commute like anyone else. Some budget airline then, Mihin must be.

Another hotel

Yet even after operations had commenced, moves have come afoot to move the aircrew to another hotel once again, this time a hotel on the Negombo beach, located a good 30 minutes northwest of the airport.

A management decision has been made to move the staff to the Negombo hotel after January 31. And the reason for the move is certainly not bargain basement pricing. The Negombo deal for a single room on bed and breakfast basis is, wait for it, $90 per night – more than double the original price quoted by Taj Samudra coupled with a drive of its own to get to the airport.

In the midst of all this, several meetings have been held between officials of the Treasury, Aviation Ministry, Mihin Lanka and SriLankan Airlines, in an attempt to palm off management of the again-ailing budget carrier onto the somewhat sturdier national carrier.

Being dangled like a carrot on a stick in front of SriLankan Airlines, is the Rs 6 billion cash package approved for Mihin Lanka by parliament.

At the second meeting held on January 9, SriLankan CEO Manoj Gunawardena and Director Nihal Jayamanne and Chairman A.N. Wickremasinghe had managed to stall for time by telling those assembled from Mihin, the Treasury and Aviation Ministry that they should seek cabinet approval for a partnership, and then run all proposals through SriLankan’s other shareholders.

The other shareholders of the national airline are its employees and Emirates. SriLankan also made clear that if a management agreement was to be drafted, it would be on their terms as they would be acquiring the enormous liability that is today Mihin Lanka.

While no one is to blame but the bungling and incompetent staff at Mihin Lanka for the pathetic number of passengers who have boarded each of the airline’s flights, some recent Supreme Court verdicts raise serious questions about who could be held accountable to courts for the fraud that is buying more flying hours for a month than a single aircraft could possibly use.

Just as the Supreme Court chastised the CPC Chairman for signing oil hedging agreements that did not protect Sri Lanka from the possibility of a dramatic world fuel price drop, it would be interesting to see who if anyone the highest court of the land holds to account for signing away millions of rupees in taxpayer money that would never be utilised, with cabinet approval.

If the public spirited citizens who have been planning now for months to take legal action against those behind the Mihin Lanka scandal have their way, the Rajapakses will have more than just a bumpy ride through the corridors of Hulftsdorp. .

Dubai Flights

Date Passengers Load Factor Passengers Load Factor
Out bound In bound
01-Jan 143 77% 81 44%
02-Jan 60 32% 20 11%
03-Jan 101 54% 31 17%
04-Jan 31 17% 30 16%
05-Jan 40 22% 23 12%
06-Jan 52 28% 38 20%
07-Jan 62 33% 61 33%
08-Jan 98 53% 67 36%
09-Jan 68 37% 34 18%
11-Jan 70 38% 43 23%
13-Jan 30 16% 41 22%
15-Jan 40 22% 17 9%
16-Jan 70 38% 30 16%

Total Outbound Passengers: 865
Total Inbound Passengers: 516
Total Flight Hours: 117

Trivandrum Flights

Date Passengers Load Pass Load
Outbound Factor Inbound Factor
09-Jan 7 4% 5 3%
12-Jan 18 10% 7 4%
13-Jan 11 6% 0 0%
14-Jan 0 0% 40 22%
16-Jan 3 2% 2 1%

Total Outbound Passengers: 39
Total Inbound Passengers: 54
Total Flight Hours: 10

And Then They Came For Me

No other profession calls on its practitioners to lay down their lives for their art save the armed forces and, in Sri Lanka, journalism. In the course of the past few years, the independent media have increasingly come under attack. Electronic and print-media institutions have been burnt, bombed, sealed and coerced. Countless journalists have been harassed, threatened and killed. It has been my honour to belong to all those categories and now especially the last.

I have been in the business of journalism a good long time. Indeed, 2009 will be The Sunday Leader’s 15th year. Many things have changed in Sri Lanka during that time, and it does not need me to tell you that the greater part of that change has been for the worse. We find ourselves in the midst of a civil war ruthlessly prosecuted by protagonists whose bloodlust knows no bounds. Terror, whether perpetrated by terrorists or the state, has become the order of the day. Indeed, murder has become the primary tool whereby the state seeks to control the organs of liberty. Today it is the journalists, tomorrow it will be the judges. For neither group have the risks ever been higher or the stakes lower.

Why then do we do it? I often wonder that. After all, I too am a husband, and the father of three wonderful children. I too have responsibilities and obligations that transcend my profession, be it the law or journalism. Is it worth the risk? Many people tell me it is not. Friends tell me to revert to the bar, and goodness knows it offers a better and safer livelihood. Others, including political leaders on both sides, have at various times sought to induce me to take to politics, going so far as to offer me ministries of my choice. Diplomats, recognising the risk journalists face in Sri Lanka, have offered me safe passage and the right of residence in their countries. Whatever else I may have been stuck for, I have not been stuck for choice.

But there is a calling that is yet above high office, fame, lucre and security. It is the call of conscience.

The Sunday Leader has been a controversial newspaper because we say it like we see it: whether it be a spade, a thief or a murderer, we call it by that name. We do not hide behind euphemism. The investigative articles we print are supported by documentary evidence thanks to the public-spiritedness of citizens who at great risk to themselves pass on this material to us. We have exposed scandal after scandal, and never once in these 15 years has anyone proved us wrong or successfully prosecuted us.

The free media serve as a mirror in which the public can see itself sans mascara and styling gel. From us you learn the state of your nation, and especially its management by the people you elected to give your children a better future. Sometimes the image you see in that mirror is not a pleasant one. But while you may grumble in the privacy of your armchair, the journalists who hold the mirror up to you do so publicly and at great risk to themselves. That is our calling, and we do not shirk it.

Every newspaper has its angle, and we do not hide the fact that we have ours. Our commitment is to see Sri Lanka as a transparent, secular, liberal democracy. Think about those words, for they each has profound meaning. Transparent because government must be openly accountable to the people and never abuse their trust. Secular because in a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society such as ours, secularism offers the only common ground by which we might all be united. Liberal because we recognise that all human beings are created different, and we need to accept others for what they are and not what we would like them to be. And democratic… well, if you need me to explain why that is important, you’d best stop buying this paper.

The Sunday Leader has never sought safety by unquestioningly articulating the majority view. Let’s face it, that is the way to sell newspapers. On the contrary, as our opinion pieces over the years amply demonstrate, we often voice ideas that many people find distasteful. For example,  we have consistently espoused the view that while separatist terrorism must be eradicated, it is more important to address the root causes of terrorism, and urged government to view Sri Lanka’s ethnic strife in the context of history and not through the telescope of terrorism. We have also agitated against state terrorism in the so-called war against terror, and made no secret of our horror that Sri Lanka is the only country in the world routinely to bomb its own citizens. For these views we have been labelled traitors, and if this be treachery, we wear that label proudly.

Many people suspect that The Sunday Leader has a political agenda: it does not. If we appear more critical of the government than of the opposition it is only because we believe that – pray excuse cricketing argot – there is no point in bowling to the fielding side. Remember that for the few years of our existence in which the UNP was in office, we proved to be the biggest thorn in its flesh, exposing excess and corruption wherever it occurred. Indeed, the steady stream of embarrassing expos‚s we published may well have served to precipitate the downfall of that government.

Neither should our distaste for the war be interpreted to mean that we support the Tigers. The LTTE are among the most ruthless and bloodthirsty organisations ever to have infested the planet. There is no gainsaying that it must be eradicated. But to do so by violating the rights of Tamil citizens, bombing and shooting them mercilessly, is not only wrong but shames the Sinhalese, whose claim to be custodians of the dhamma is forever called into question by this savagery, much of which is unknown to the public because of censorship.

What is more, a military occupation of the country’s north and east will require the Tamil people of those regions to live eternally as second-class citizens, deprived of all self respect. Do not imagine that you can placate them by showering “development” and “reconstruction” on them in the post-war era. The wounds of war will scar them forever, and you will also have an even more bitter and hateful Diaspora to contend with. A problem amenable to a political solution will thus become a festering wound that will yield strife for all eternity. If I seem angry and frustrated, it is only because most of my countrymen – and all of the government – cannot see this writing so plainly on the wall.

It is well known that I was on two occasions brutally assaulted, while on another my house was sprayed with machine-gun fire. Despite the government’s sanctimonious assurances, there was never a serious police inquiry into the perpetrators of these attacks, and the attackers were never apprehended. In all these cases, I have reason to believe the attacks were inspired by the government. When finally I am killed, it will be the government that kills me.

The irony in this is that, unknown to most of the public, Mahinda and I have been friends for more than a quarter century. Indeed, I suspect that I am one of the few people remaining who routinely addresses him by his first name and uses the familiar Sinhala address oya when talking to him. Although I do not attend the meetings he periodically holds for newspaper editors, hardly a month passes when we do not meet, privately or with a few close friends present, late at night at President’s House. There we swap yarns, discuss politics and joke about the good old days. A few remarks to him would therefore be in order here.

Mahinda, when you finally fought your way to the SLFP presidential nomination in 2005, nowhere were you welcomed more warmly than in this column. Indeed, we broke with a decade of tradition by referring to you throughout by your first name. So well known were your commitments to human rights and liberal values that we ushered you in like a breath of fresh air. Then, through an act of folly, you got yourself involved in the Helping Hambantota scandal. It was after a lot of soul-searching that we broke the story, at the same time urging you to return the money. By the time you did so several weeks later, a great blow had been struck to your reputation. It is one you are still trying to live down.

You have told me yourself that you were not greedy for the presidency. You did not have to hanker after it: it fell into your lap. You have told me that your sons are your greatest joy, and that you love spending time with them, leaving your brothers to operate the machinery of state. Now, it is clear to all who will see that that machinery has operated so well that my sons and daughter do not themselves have a father.

In the wake of my death I know you will make all the usual sanctimonious noises and call upon the police to hold a swift and thorough inquiry. But like all the inquiries you have ordered in the past, nothing will come of this one, too. For truth be told, we both know who will be behind my death, but dare not call his name. Not just my life, but yours too, depends on it.

Sadly, for all the dreams you had for our country in your younger days, in just three years you have reduced it to rubble. In the name of patriotism you have trampled on human rights, nurtured unbridled corruption and squandered public money like no other President before you. Indeed, your conduct has been like a small child suddenly let loose in a toyshop. That analogy is perhaps inapt because no child could have caused so much blood to be spilled on this land as you have, or trampled on the rights of its citizens as you do. Although you are now so drunk with power that you cannot see it, you will come to regret your sons having so rich an inheritance of blood. It can only bring tragedy. As for me, it is with a clear conscience that I go to meet my Maker. I wish, when your time finally comes, you could do the same. I wish.

As for me, I have the satisfaction of knowing that I walked tall and bowed to no man. And I have not travelled this journey alone. Fellow journalists in other branches of the media walked with me: most of them are now dead, imprisoned without trial or exiled in far-off lands. Others walk in the shadow of death that your Presidency has cast on the freedoms for which you once fought so hard. You will never be allowed to forget that my death took place under your watch. As anguished as I know you will be, I also know that you will have no choice but to protect my killers: you will see to it that the guilty one is never convicted. You have no choice. I feel sorry for you, and Shiranthi will have a long time to spend on her knees when next she goes for Confession for it is not just her owns sins which she must confess, but those of her extended family that keeps you in office.

As for the readers of The Sunday Leader, what can I say but Thank You for supporting our mission. We have espoused unpopular causes, stood up for those too feeble to stand up for themselves, locked horns with the high and mighty so swollen with power that they have forgotten their roots, exposed corruption and the waste of your hard-earned tax rupees, and made sure that whatever the propaganda of the day, you were allowed to hear a contrary view. For this I – and my family – have now paid the price that I have long known I will one day have to pay. I am – and have always been – ready for that. I have done nothing to prevent this outcome: no security, no precautions. I want my murderer to know that I am not a coward like he is, hiding behind human shields while condemning thousands of innocents to death. What am I among so many? It has long been written that my life would be taken, and by whom. All that remains to be written is when.

That The Sunday Leader will continue fighting the good fight, too, is written. For I did not fight this fight alone. Many more of us have to be – and will be – killed before The Leader is laid to rest. I hope my assassination will be seen not as a defeat of freedom but an inspiration for those who survive to step up their efforts. Indeed, I hope that it will help galvanise forces that will usher in a new era of human liberty in our beloved motherland. I also hope it will open the eyes of your President to the fact that however many are slaughtered in the name of patriotism, the human spirit will endure and flourish. Not all the Rajapakses combined can kill that.

People often ask me why I take such risks and tell me it is a matter of time before I am bumped off. Of course I know that: it is inevitable. But if we do not speak out now, there will be no one left to speak for those who cannot, whether they be ethnic minorities, the disadvantaged or the persecuted. An example that has inspired me throughout my career in journalism has been that of the German theologian, Martin Niem”ller. In his youth he was an anti-Semite and an admirer of  Hitler. As Nazism took hold in Germany, however, he saw Nazism for what it was: it was not just the Jews Hitler sought to extirpate, it was just about anyone with an alternate point of view. Niem”ller spoke out, and for his trouble was incarcerated in the Sachsenhausen and Dachau concentration camps from 1937 to 1945, and very nearly executed. While incarcerated, Niem”ller wrote a poem that, from the first time I read it in my teenage years, stuck hauntingly in my mind:

First they came for the Jews

and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for the Communists

and I did not speak out because I was not a Communist.

Then they came for the trade unionists

and I did not speak out because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for me

and there was no one left to speak out for me.

If you remember nothing else, remember this: The Leader is there for you, be you Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, low-caste, homosexual, dissident or disabled. Its staff will fight on, unbowed and unafraid, with the courage to which you have become accustomed. Do not take that commitment for granted.  Let there be no doubt that whatever sacrifices we journalists make, they are not made for our own glory or enrichment: they are made for you. Whether you deserve their sacrifice is another matter. As for me, God knows I tried.